John Warner

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I thank my good friend and colleague. I am privileged also to serve on his committee.

Mr. WARNER. There are certain exceptions as it relates to the Congress of the United States. Senators should read this and draw their own conclusions from it. Any description of the photos (or any particular photo) that would reveal the identity of a U.S. national depicted in the photos would also risk liability under the Privacy Act. To the extent that any description of the photos is offered at all, it should be limited to generic statements about the conduct depicted in the photos without any reference that would tend to reveal the identity of any U.S. national involved in the conduct photographed. The disclosure of photographs or detainees could constitute a violation of the Geneva Conventions, which provide that such persons shall be protected ``against insults and public curiosity.'' As I stated earlier today, speaking for myself, I believe very strongly these photographs should not be made public. That is not a decision that is up to the Senate or the Congress but to other authorities in the executive branch. I believe it could possibly endanger the men and women of the Armed Forces as they are serving valiantly and at great risk, not only in Iraq and Afghanistan but other areas of the world. Secondly, this Nation is founded on the rule of law. We are proceeding--I say we, the Department of Defense, and they are to be commended--carefully within the rule of law as it relates to this evidence and the trials which will be forthcoming of those who will be brought to justice by virtue of the Uniform Code of Military Justice. At those trials, they will be public. At those trials, such portions of these photos as a prosecutor deems necessary can be released and put into the public domain. As well, the defense counsel, likewise, through discovery can determine such photos that might in some way enhance the defense in that case. It is not as if there will be no public disclosure. It is the time and the circumstances under which that disclosure is made. Again, the credibility of the country is being examined in connection with these tragic incidents that have taken place, tragic incidents against a background of 99.99 percent of the men and women of the U.S. military performing all over the world at this very minute at personal risk but in the cause of freedom, to protect this Nation and our allies. I firmly believe the guidelines are out there certainly for colleagues. I have given you my best counsel on this. Here are the rules prescribed by the Department. I think it is in the best interest that we all, in a very calm, collected manner, continue to address this issue. The Committee on Armed Services has concluded two hearings. At this moment the Committee on Intelligence, of which I am also a member, is conducting a hearing. Speaking for the Senate, and I believe the House, the proper oversight is being administered. The Appropriations Committee likewise addressed this issue in some context today. The Government of our Nation, the executive and the legislative branch together--I find total cooperation with the Department of Defense--is doing the best we know how to protect the interests of our Nation and protect the men and women of the Armed Forces and protect all others in this set of very tragic circumstances. I yield the floor.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may speak as in morning business.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I wish to address my colleagues with regard to the pictures of prisoner abuse in Iraq which will be sent up by the Department of Defense and will be available for all Members to review in room S-407 in 45 minutes. Bottom line, I urge all Senators to avail themselves of the opportunity to examine this body of evidence. While I have not seen it specifically, it has been described to me. It is, in my judgment, another distasteful, nevertheless factual, part of this tragic incident regarding the allegations and the facts that document abuse by uniformed people of the U.S. Armed Forces against Iraqi prisoners. At 2 p.m., I urge your attendance. I thank the leadership for their assistance in this matter. Yesterday, I contacted Senator Frist and suggested that he and I and Senator Daschle and Senator Levin sit down and make the arrangements regarding these photos, and those arrangements were concluded late yesterday. The pictures will be brought up. They will remain in the custody at all times of the Department of Defense, and then they will be returned to the Department at the conclusion of our meeting. Speaking just for myself, my guidelines as I look at these pictures are how I am obligated to address my constituents and indeed share my views with colleagues. These are the guideposts I will follow. First, at the hearing of the Armed Services--the first hearing on May 7--with Secretary Rumsfeld and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, as chairman, I was privileged to ask the first question. This is my question to General Myers: I would anticipate that you have consulted with your colleagues, not only the Joint Chiefs, but particularly in Central Command, and you are making, or have made, or will continue to make an assessment of the possible increase in risk to the men and women of the Armed Forces, the personal increase in risk to them, and indeed their colleagues in the coalition forces, regarding the release of these photos, and this story continues to reflect very deeply on the thinking and actions of other people. We learned yesterday of the tragic event of the Berg family having lost that individual. You not only have to consider men and women in uniform, but that brave bunch of contractors who are taking a certain amount of risk to help rebuild the infrastructure in Iraq and to assist the men and women in the Armed Forces in carrying out their missions. General Myers replied very clearly: Absolutely, we will. And we should not underestimate that impact. Further, he said: I think we have a lot of troops in Iraq right now, after talking to General Smith and others, that are probably walking with--I mean, they're involved in combat, but they're walking with their head just a bit lower right now because they have to bear the brunt of what their colleagues up in Abu Ghraib did. That is straight talk. We have had good, straight talk from the Secretary of Defense and all the witnesses in the course of our hearings. I commend the Department of Defense, from the President on down, for the manner in which they are dealing with this situation. That is my principal statement. Second, we are a nation which operates on the rule of law. The Department of the Army and the Department of Defense are bringing accountability to those who allegedly have perpetrated these situations. That trial process must go forward in such a way that the release of these photos does not adversely impact or jeopardize their rights. It is for that reason that I simply say to my colleagues that I think we have to be extremely cautious as we finish our work this afternoon, and then fulfill our obligation, in verbalizing--the pictures cannot be copied--our own interpretations and meaning of these photos, so as not to incite anger, in any way further, against our forces or others working in the cause of freedom. That is my view. Further, I think caution should be used so as not to jeopardize under the Uniform Code of Military Justice and such other laws--and others may be brought to bear in accountability--in any way to jeopardize those trials. This Nation is a nation of laws. We are a strong democracy. Secretary Rumsfeld, in his opening remarks, said: Mr. Chairman, I know you join me today in saying to the world, judge us by our actions, watch how Americans, watch how a democracy deals with wrongdoing and with scandal and the pain of acknowledging and correcting our mistakes and our own weaknesses. And then, after they have seen America in action, then ask those who teach resentment and hatred of America if our behavior doesn't give lie to the falsehood and the slander they speak about our people and about our way of life . . . Ask them if the willingness of Americans to acknowledge their own failures before humanity doesn't light the world as surely as the great ideas and beliefs that made this nation a beacon of hope and liberty for all who strive to be free. The strength of America will be brought to bear as we address these problems in our military and go about handling this situation under the rule of law and holding those accountable. That shows the strength of a democracy. I think that is very important. There is a Privacy Act which, in the minds of some lawyers, protects these pictures in a certain way from public disclosure. So I simply counsel Senators--to the extent the executive branch has a responsibility to deal with future distribution of these pictures--to err on the side of caution. I think it would not be wise at this time to publish them. I believe the time to publish such photos should be during the course of the trials when the prosecution has a right to bring out certain photographs, the defense has a right to go and bring out other photographs, so you will have a balance of interests as to the photographs that are made public. Those trials will be public. At that time, no one could accuse the United States, for whatever reason, having released these photos earlier, of either jeopardizing the trial or trying to influence public opinion. Those procedures would be in accordance with the procedures of the Uniform Code of Military Justice. Sadness, I know, fills the heart of all Americans regarding this episode in the otherwise very proud history of our military. Going back more than 200 years in our Republic, and looking forward, today 99.99 percent of the men and women in uniform are carrying out their missions in accordance with our finest traditions. They are going into harm's way, taking risks, and performing their missions. We must think of them. That is very much on my mind, and I hope it is in the minds of others as we look at this. The Berg case has a specific reference to that heinous crime being committed to avenge the treatment of the prisoners in that prison. That is why I think further release at this time of these photographs, indeed, would put on another layer, but basically I don't think it will contribute materially to a further understanding of this tragic problem, to the extent that it overrides the other concerns of the safety of our forces, the safety of the civilian backup infrastructure, and the need for these trials to go forward in such a manner that no one can contest the integrity of the Department of Defense and the Army as they proceed to address this and hold those responsible accountable. Mr. President, I suggest that the release of this material, which is not before the Senate--I repeat, we do not have custody of the photos-- be considered by the executive branch--and perhaps wiser minds than I have a different perspective, but in the end, I counsel all caution as we verbalize our own views and understanding of these pictures, and as the executive branch moves forward with a decision regarding release. I yield the floor. Mrs. CLINTON. Mr. President, I rise today in support of the Harkin- Hagel Amendment which will meet the funding promises in the Individuals with Disabilities in Education Act, IDEA. Almost three decades ago when Congress passed IDEA, this legislative body understood the additional costs that would be associated with providing an appropriate education to children with disabilities. Congress agreed back then that this fiscal responsibility should not fall entirely on the States and local communities. It decided the Federal Government would pick up at least 40 percent of the total cost of educating these children. This promise was made nearly 30 years ago. Yet Congress has never fulfilled it. The Harkin-Hagel amendment, which has strong bipartisan support, will right this wrong by ensuring the Federal Government provides its fair share of the cost to educate all children with disabilities. That is why I am proud to cosponsor it. The funds provided by this amendment will ensure that every child with special needs receives a free, appropriate public education. Today, all over New York and the Nation, children with special needs are being shortchanged because schools are wrestling to fulfill the competing demands on their budgets. Deficits are rising and State budgets are shrinking. And the funds provided by these amendments are crucial to ensuring all children receive a world-class education. The Republican substitute for this amendment keeps funding for IDEA discretionary, which does not guarantee full funding. As we have seen with funding for No Child Left Behind, authorizations are an empty promise with this administration and the Republicans in Congress in control. According to a report issued by the National Education Association last month, States and schools received only $18.6 billion of the $26.8 billion in Federal money authorized under the law during the last fiscal year. This amount falls significantly short of the total cost to implement No Child Left Behind, which, according to the NEA, will reach $41.8 billion this year. As one example of the high cost of NCLB, the Ohio Department of Education released a study last month estimating that the State will spend about $1.5 billion a year--more than twice as much as it now gets from the Federal Government to fund NCLB. And a recent Phi Delta Kappan article reported that public K-12 spending needs to rise by at least 20 to 35 percent to meet the goals of NCLB-- an increase of $85 to $150 billion a year. We cannot allow IDEA to continue on the same path as NCLB. Mandatory spending is the only way to ensure that Congress will actually fund the real costs associated with meeting these requirements so that our children and their families do not shoulder this burden. Now more than ever, our school districts desperately need this support as they grapple with deep budget cuts and rising student enrollments. It is unconscionable for Congress to stand by and continue to fail to meet its funding commitments while schools in New York and across the Nation are laying off teachers, cutting critical classes and eliminating academic services. Let me paint the picture of what is happening in school districts in some school districts in New York. The Buffalo School district, where 80 percent of students come from families that are at or below the poverty index, is facing a $9.7 million cut in its education budget. To balance its budget, the Buffalo School District has had to lay off approximately 700 school personnel, cut vital services to students, and close down 5 schools this year. These choices will ultimately lower the quality of education for all of the 44,000 students enrolled in Buffalo schools, including the 9,266 students with disabilities. However, this issue is not about budget cuts. It is about broken promises. The Harkin-Hagel amendment says simply--the Federal Government's going to keep its word. It ensures that children with disabilities receive the programs and services they need to learn by providing the 40 percent of the cost that was promised back in 1973. These funds mean children with special needs will achieve at higher levels and transition into the workforce as productive citizens. It guarantees the resources to recruit qualified personnel, provide teacher training and ongoing professional development and provide supplementary services to effectively educate these children. Schools need actual resources to provide these services, not empty promises. Before the passage of IDEA, children with disabilities received woefully inadequate schooling or no schooling at all. Each year Congress fails to live up to its commitment to adequately invest in IDEA our schools fall further behind in meeting their special education costs and our parents of children with disabilities have to fight harder to ensure their children receive appropriate educational services. Children with special needs and their families should not have to shoulder this burden. We must do better by our children and their parents. I therefore urge my colleagues to vote yes on the Harkin-Hagel amendment.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, the distinguished majority leader, Senator Daschle, Senator Levin, and I have been working with the Department of Defense regarding additional photos relative to the tragic case of the treatment of Iraqi prisoners by U.S. personnel, military and otherwise. We have reached a decision with the total cooperation of the Department of Defense whereby those pictures will be brought to Senate S-407 tomorrow. There will be a representative from the Department there to help Members work their way through such pictures as they wish to examine from 2 to 5, at which time the pictures and everything will be returned to the Department since the Department will maintain constant custody of those, that evidentiary material throughout the time. I ask unanimous consent the letter Senator Levin and I have sent to the Department regarding viewing and inspection of this material--all Senators are eligible, no staff--be printed in the Record.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. I move to lay that motion on the table.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be added as a cosponsor of the resolution.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent a letter to the Honorable Bill Frist dated May 6, 2004, be printed in the Record.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, in my colloquy with the distinguished Democratic leader, I reviewed my great concern that as Senators-- indeed, as people all over the United States and, indeed, the world-- wish to address the extraordinary, tragic information flowing about alleged atrocities perpetrated by U.S. forces and perhaps others that they incorporate in every statement a reference to the courage, the sacrifice, of the men and women in the Armed Forces of our Nation, of the coalition forces who are fighting with us in Iraq, as well as Afghanistan and elsewhere around the world, and, indeed, the impact of this tragic series of revelations on their families back here at home, and to be ever mindful that in the United States and in the homes of the coalition forces in other nations are the wives, the children, mothers, fathers, and others who are in strong support of their loved one beyond the shores, and how ever so hard this story hits home with them. I do hope my colleagues and others, as they address this issue, take the time to include reference to the valiant work being done by uniformed people of the armed forces of many nations and their families. The allegations of mistreatment of the prisoners by some members of the Armed Forces, if proven, represent an appalling and totally unacceptable breach of military regulations and conduct that could--and I repeat--could undermine much of the greatest works and sacrifices of our forces in Iraq and around the world in the war on terror. The vast majority of our men and women--as the Democratic leader said, 99.99 percent--fully understand their obligations to conduct themselves in accordance with military, national, and international standards, most particularly the standards of professional conduct that are taught each soldier, sailor, airman, and marine of our forces. The mistreatment of prisoners, no matter what their reason for incarceration, is not what the uniform of the United States stands for. It is not what the United States stands for as a Nation. It is not the way for anyone who wears that uniform to conduct themselves. The Armed Services Committee received a briefing from senior Army officials yesterday. We did receive a considerable amount of information that is not freely in the press today. I think in due course that information will be and should be shared publicly. Nevertheless, we have begun our probe of this particular case. I commend the committee for its actions so far. We had three-quarters of the members of the committee in attendance yesterday. There was a very vigorous questioning of the Army witness. While informative, the briefing revealed the need for more extensive public hearings from civilian and military officials. I made a request for such hearings immediately following our hearing yesterday. I was joined by Senator Levin, the ranking member. We must always remember that under our Constitution, it is very clear in the long traditions of this country that civilians control the U.S. military. They have the ultimate responsibility of the actions of the men and women in uniform. They are the ones who promulgate the orders from the Commander in Chief, the President, to the unit commanders. Consequently, the civilians must accept that responsibility. Secretary Rumsfeld, in a press conference yesterday, addressed the Nation. As I said, I have been in consultation with him and his office about an appearance, which I anticipate will take place very shortly following the public statements to be issued, I believe, today by the President of the United States. I fully believe the most constructive course of action at this point is to fully understand the extent of this problem, no matter how much time it requires to gather all of the facts, no matter how difficult it is to get all of those facts, no matter how embarrassing those facts may be--get the facts out and the story, so that not only the Congress of the United States can reach its judgment but, indeed, the American public and others around the world, because this is an around-the-world story at this point in time. Our great Nation has had a symbol of freedom and hope for its entire existence. The world looks to us as the standard bearer of how best to bring about freedom for others, how best to protect those values which we hold so dearly and for which men and women have gone forth for generations from these shores not to conquer or take land, but they have gone forth in the cause of freedom. I believe in due course, once this story is fully understood, we will have the ability as a Nation to apologize to our Chief Executive, the President, through others, through this humble Senator, for the actions taken and, most importantly, give the assurances to the world that we will not ever again see a repeat. I have had the privilege to have had association with the men and women of uniform for over 50 years. When I was a young sailor in the closing year of World War II, I began my career in the training commands of the U.S. Navy. I have had many opportunities in the ensuing years to work with the men and women of the U.S. military. During the war in Korea, I served as a marine. During the Vietnam war, I was privileged to serve over 5 years as the Navy Secretary. We had our problems during that conflict, but I doubt if any of those problems parallel the seriousness and consequences of this framework of allegations today. Therefore, it is a duty upon us to leave no stone unturned, to reveal all of the facts, to give the assurance that it will not happen again, and to place into the military such authorities as they need. I doubt if there is anything under statute law that needs to be added, but the authorities need to uphold those laws and regulations, and training should follow so that this will never be repeated. Again, as we proceed over the next days and weeks, we must be mindful of the millions of men and women in uniform, past and present, who have honorably, with great sacrifice, defended the laws, rules, traditions, and values enshrined in the U.S. Constitution and in the American way of life. The actions of a few must not be allowed to tarnish that image. Of course, I am very mindful of the fact that Memorial Day is in a few weeks, and we will dedicate a magnificent set of structures on our Mall to the men and women who served during World War II--some 16 million. I had the privilege of going down the other day with Senator Dole, a former colleague, whose wisdom and energies have contributed greatly to this magnificent memorial. As we walked there together with other Senators from this Chamber--totaling 7, who served in World War II--Senator Dole said that, yes, the monument stands as a symbol for the sacrifices of those in uniform, some 16 million, but he said it also stands as a monument and testimony of the homefront. Those of us who have memories of that period remember how well this country was unified. We had rationing; we had war production; we worked around the clock not only to supply and equip our troops but to provide equipment for our Allied forces. It was a magnificent chapter in American history. That cannot be tarnished by the actions of a few here. There is clearly room for a constructive debate on how best to proceed in Iraq, but we must not allow recent events to obscure the overall stakes for our Nation and the world in this region. We must be unified in overall purpose that success in Iraq is essential and that we, the Congress, stand squarely behind our men and women in uniform. Our troops in Iraq deserve this. They deserve the best support we can give them. To appear divided while our sons and daughters are in harm's way runs counter to the traditions of this Chamber. There should be debate, but let it be reasoned and measured, and focused on the way forward in this war on terrorism. The brave young men and women of the U.S. Armed Forces have answered their Nation's call to service. They deserve nothing less than our absolute, unwavering commitment to their success. Nothing less. I yield the floor.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I thank our colleague from Texas. Let me assure all that I have been in contact with Secretary Rumsfeld. There is no reluctance whatsoever on his part to come forward. He desires to do so, but I believe it should be following the Commander in Chief, the President, when he addresses indeed the Nation and the world in a short time.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, before the distinguished minority leader departs, I join, as does the majority leader, in his request. As he may know, yesterday the Armed Services Committee had a 2-hour briefing with the top military leaders from the Department of the Army. Senator Levin and I felt it important to proceed very quickly. Following that, we had a press conference in which both Senator Levin and I spoke of the need for the Secretary of Defense, Mr. Rumsfeld, to come up. I have been working on that steadily, and I can assure the leader, having talked to my leader last night, Senator Frist--presumably shortly after the two leaders had discussed it--that Senator Frist has joined with Senator Daschle and others to get that done. I anticipate, however--and I think it is probably wise--that the President of the United States is going to address this issue, and I think immediately following that, I will presume, say, Thursday morning, tomorrow morning, that we could hope to have the Secretary before the Armed Services Committee. And then subject to the leadership, perhaps he could work with other Senators in another forum later sometime tomorrow. That would be my advice. I commend the leader, my good friend, for his incorporation in his remarks the need for every Senator as they address this issue to reflect on the, as he said, 99.99 percent of extraordinary professionalism and courage rendered by the men and women in the Armed Forces, not just in Iraq, not just in Afghanistan, but all over the world. No one should have their wonderful works and sacrifices and those of their families in any way tarnished by these serious allegations. I thank my good friend and leader.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I thank my good friend and colleague of many years. I should now like to proceed, if the Chair will kindly advise this Senator the amount of time under the control of this side of the aisle.

Mr. WARNER. I should like to take approximately 10 minutes of that time.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, can the Senator from Virginia ask for a period of 5 minutes to discuss a matter of importance to all Senators?

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, will the Chair advise the Senate with regard to the time agreements at this point?

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, this morning I had the privilege of engaging in a colloquy with the distinguished minority leader with regard to the desire of the Senate to have Secretary Rumsfeld come in open session and respond to questions from Senators with regard to the very serious situation of allegations about the mistreatment of prisoners in Iraq. Senator Daschle, Senator Frist, and I--Senator Frist and I worked on it yesterday together; we worked on it again today--Senator McCain, Senator Levin--I just left him--so there has been a group of us who have worked on this. I just finished a conversation with Secretary Rumsfeld, and he has always been quite willing to come up. It is a question of the time and the ability to get together a team of witnesses to join him. That has now been concluded. So the distinguished majority leader and I have set the time for this to be 11:45 on Friday morning for a session of approximately 2 hours with the Senate Armed Services Committee. Following that, the respective leaders of the Senate will have the usual type of briefing in S-407, at which time other Senators not members of the Armed Services Committee will have the opportunity to engage the Secretary in questions with regard to their individual concerns on this and such other topics as they may have. I thank my colleagues. Many of you have come to me and spoken about that, and spoken to Senator Levin, and to our leaders. There is always a willingness on behalf of the Secretary to come forward. He will be joined by the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, the Chief of Staff of the Army, the Acting Secretary of the Army, and perhaps others, because I was very insistent and he was quite willing to provide a full array of witnesses such that the entire spectrum of facts now known and available can be shared openly with the Senate and the general public. I thank the Chair. I hope all colleagues can arrange their schedules to attend these very important meetings. I yield the floor.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, for the Committee on Armed Services I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to an exceptional officer in the United States Air Force, an individual that a great many of us have come to know personally over the past few years--Colonel William ``Bill'' Groves. Colonel Groves, who currently serves in the office of Air Force Legislative Liaison, will retire after 21 years of active duty Air Force service. During his time in Washington, and especially with regard to his work here on Capitol Hill, Colonel Groves epitomized Air Force core values of integrity, selfless service and excellence in the many missions the Air Force performs in support of our national security. Many Members and staff have enjoyed the opportunity to meet with him on a variety of Air Force issues and came to deeply appreciate his character and many talents. Today it is my privilege to recognize some of Colonel Groves' many accomplishments, and to commend his superb service he provided the Air Force, the Congress and our Nation. Colonel Groves entered the Air Force by Direct Appointment in 1983 with a Juris Doctor degree from the University of Akron School of Law. During his 21-year career, he served three tours as a Staff Judge Advocate, with assignments at the 6th Air Refueling Wing, the Air Force Office of Scientific Research, and the Aerospace Guidance and Metrology Center. In 1990, he completed a Masters of Law program in Government Procurement at George Washington University, in Washington, DC. He has completed two overseas tours in Germany and was deployed in 1994 as the Legal Advisor for the Combined Air Operations Center, Vicenza, Italy, during Operations DENY FLIGHT and PROVIDE PROMISE. Just prior to his current assignment, he served as Assistant General Counsel for Procurement, Missile Defense Agency here in Washington, D.C. In 2001, Colonel Groves was selected as Chief, Programs and Policy Branch for the Air Force Directorate of Legislative Liaison. During this period, Colonel Groves led 14 liaison personnel responsible for all Air Force interactions with the Armed Services Committees on personnel issues, readiness, depot maintenance, environmental compliance, airspace and range operations, force structure, base closure, health care, inspector general matters, military construction, and acquisition policies. Additionally, he directed the process used for USAF activities worldwide to submit legislative proposals to Congress. In his years of working with the Congress, Colonel Groves provided a clear and credible voice for the Air Force while representing its many programs on the Hill, consistently providing accurate, concise and timely information. His integrity, professionalism, and expertise enabled him to develop and maintain an exceptional rapport between the Air Force and the Congress. The key to his success, I believe, was his deep understanding of congressional processes and priorities and his unflinching advocacy of the programs essential to the Air Force and to our Nation. I am greatly appreciative of Colonel Groves' 21-year service to his Nation and offer my sincere wishes for a happy and prosperous retirement. On behalf of the Congress and the country, I thank Colonel Groves and his wife Joanne for the commitment and sacrifices that they have made throughout his honorable military career. I know I speak for all of my colleagues in expressing my heartfelt appreciation to Colonel Groves for a job well done.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce an important piece of legislation for my State, the Virginia Ridge and Valley Wilderness and National Scenic Areas Act of 2004. This bill will add four new wilderness areas, five additions to existing wilderness areas, and two National Scenic Areas to the Jefferson National Forest. Congressman Rick Boucher is introducing companion legislation in the United States House of Representatives. It is no coincidence that I introduce this legislation on Earth Day, a time when we can reflect on our natural world and the obligations we have to protect the earth which provides so richly for us. Throughout my career in the United States Senate, I have strived to preserve Virginia's natural resources and heritage through the designation of wilderness areas. In fact, I have worked to pass three wilderness bills through Congress. I stood here not four years ago and introduced a bill that added two exceptional areas in the George Washington National Forest to the wilderness system. With the help of many, that legislation is now law, and Virginia has approximately 100,434 acres of designated wilderness lands. However, there is still work to be done. Within the Jefferson National Forest, designated wilderness areas total only 7 percent of the total forest acreage. The enactment of this legislation will substantially increase our opportunities for uninterrupted enjoyment in the forest with the addition of nearly 29,000 acres of new wilderness areas and almost 12,000 acres of national scenic areas. Virginia is blessed with great beauty and natural diversity. From the complex ecosystem of the Chesapeake Bay, to the exquisite vistas, streams, vegetation, and wildlife of the Shenandoah Mountains, residents and visitors alike can enjoy a bountiful array of natural treasures. As demand for development in Virginia increases, it becomes incumbent upon Congress to act expeditiously to protect these wild lands. Through wilderness and national scenic area designations, we can ensure that these areas retain their primeval character and influences. I consider myself an avid outdoorsman, and I enjoy opportunities for recreation. I want to stress the many activities that will continue to occur in these wilderness areas, including: hunting, fishing, hiking, camping, canoeing, and horseback riding, to name a few. In addition, the Wilderness Act is flexible and provides for reasonable local forest management and emergency services in wilderness areas, such as the use of motorized equipment and aircraft for search and rescue operations; or to combat fire, insects and disease. I am particularly pleased to include in the legislation an authorization for the establishment of a non-motorized trail between County Route 650 and Forest Development Road 4018 outside of the new Raccoon Branch Wilderness area. This trail will follow the historic Rye Valley Railroad Grade and will be a popular route for mountain bikers, equestrians and hikers. In addition, this bill directs the Forest Service to develop trail plans for the wilderness and national scenic areas. As a father and a grandfather, I feel a weighty obligation to ensure that our children have lasting opportunities to enjoy Virginia's immense natural beauty and diversity. This legislation is a crucial step in our quest to preserve these lovely areas for the enjoyment and use of future generations.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, there has been some discussion on the floor, as there should be, about the very serious situations, challenging situations that our Nation and other nations fighting against terrorism and for freedom are facing now in Iraq and Afghanistan. In the company of the distinguished senior Senator from Alaska, Mr. Stevens, and the senior Senator from South Carolina, Mr. Hollings, I visited those two countries just four weeks ago. Senator Hollings, Senator Stevens, and I had an opportunity to discuss with the heads of state and government and our military leaders the situation, and we also visited with our troops. We visited Jordan. We visited Iraq. We visited Kuwait. We visited, of course, Pakistan. We went into Afghanistan, and we came back through Paris where we had, I thought, a very interesting and lengthy opportunity to discuss our views with President Chirac of France. Today I would like to discuss some of these issues that were discussed on the floor today. I do so by expressing that the past few weeks have been particularly challenging for the citizens of the United States of America and, indeed, the citizens of other coalition countries fighting bravely with us in those theaters of war, namely, Afghanistan and Iraq. We are ever mindful the risks our troops face every day and the sacrifices made by the families and the communities that support them as those who have been removed from power seek to delay their inevitable defeat as terrorists lash out against the loss of yet another haven, both in Afghanistan and in Iraq, where terrorism has been spawned to spread worldwide. We mourn every loss of life of these brave men and women in uniform and salute those who serve and their families for their bravery, their commitment, and their sacrifice. We are at a critical juncture for the coalition operations in both of these theaters. The brilliant military victories achieved by our forces, together with coalition partners, have presented an opportunity to fully defeat violence and terror in both Iraq and Afghanistan, nations whose previous rulers had perpetrated violence and terror on their own populations, neighbors, and, indeed, the world. The cycle of violence that has gripped this part of the world must end if we are to win the global war on terrorism and to make America and the world a safer place. Deviation from our current course will only embolden--embolden--those who are intent on causing instability and anarchy in these regions of the world. We have achieved extraordinary success in a relatively short period of time. In Iraq, Saddam Hussein and the threat he posed are gone, and now he, I think, to the credit of the Iraqi people, is likely to face a court of law and be judged by his own peers for his frightful administration over a period of over 30 years in that country and the hardships he imposed. We must continue, however, to send a strong message of resolve to the people of Iraq, to our troops, to our coalition partners, and to the rest of the world that we, the United States of America, will stay the course and get the job done. As President Bush stated last week: Now is the time and Iraq is the place in which the enemies of the civilized world are testing the will of the civilized world. We must not waiver. I take great encouragement by listening to that strong statement. I have supported the President throughout these operations. As I said, I recently visited both of those areas, and I have done it three or four other times. It has been an opportunity for me, as chairman of our Armed Services Committee, to follow these operations very carefully. President Bush has set a course that calls for the return of political sovereignty to the Iraqis on June 30. It is critical that we end our status as an occupying power and give the Iraqis an increased stake in what happens in their nation. I would like to pause on that point. Yesterday, in the course of our series of hearings before the Armed Services Committee, at which time we had the benefit of the testimony of the Deputy Secretary of Defense, Mr. Wolfowitz, and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, Ambassador Gross, I raised a question about the use of the term ``sovereignty.'' I have watched carefully as all those in positions of authority have begun to discuss what takes place on the 30th of June. It has been referred to, and I do not say this out of disrespect but just factually, somewhat loosely. People have said we are going to convey sovereignty, as I have just read from these remarks. Others say it is a conveyance of power to a new Iraqi interim form of government. I shall address that later. In the hearing yesterday, through questioning by myself and other colleagues, it was clearly established that the security of Iraq must be maintained by the coalition forces until such time as the Iraqis can put in place, whether it is police, a national guard, an army, or a combination of all of those forces, a force such that we can turn over to them completely the operations that must take place to repel the insurgents and otherwise maintain security in that country. The question is, Since that must be maintained and the document that the Iraqi Governing Council and the Coalition Provisional Authority put together--the Transitional Administrative Law--specifically states that the Iraqi security forces, as they come along, will be under the unified command of a U.S. led multinational force that is authorized by UN Security Council Resolution 1511. This resolution goes into some detail with regard to how the security will continue to be maintained under the auspices of the coalition military leadership. The security will still emanate from the President of the United States, the Prime Minister of Great Britain, and others who are now directing, through their military commanders, the security operation in Iraq. Those forces are going to stay. If we look at the pure definition of ``sovereignty,'' one must say: Wait a minute. The very heart of being a sovereign nation is providing security of one's borders, of one's internal situation, and security against anyone attacking one's nation. That is the very heart of what I believe is sovereignty. But that authority simply does not pass, as I said, because of the Transitional Administrative Law and related orders enacted by the Iraqi Governing Council and the Coalition Provisional Authority, which are the current authority in Iraq, and by United Nations Security Council Resolution 1511. So I think as we use the term ``sovereignty'' with reference to what passes on June 30, we should be very careful to say limited sovereignty passes. A great deal of responsibility will be transferred to this new entity, but the security function is going to remain under the control of those I have just described until such time--presumably with the combined judgment of the coalition forces and the governing body of Iraq--there is a sequential series of governing bodies that take place, and until that time we are going to be very active in continuing to support a security framework so that government can work. Again, I return to the date of June 30. This date was endorsed by the U.N. special representative, Mr. Brahimi. Mr. Brahimi and the U.N. are playing an important and growing role in this transition of the government and will continue to play a critical role, hopefully, in helping Iraq on its path to democracy. The President's appointment earlier this week of the trusted international statesman and current U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., John Negroponte, as the first U.S. Ambassador to a free and democratic Iraq is another important step in the process. I have known Mr. Negroponte for a number of years, and I have the highest regard for his professional capabilities and his character. Continued U.S. commitment to the June 30 transition date is of enormous importance to the Iraqi people and to the region, for it will be the day Iraq takes its place in the community of free nations and the day Iraqis assume responsibility for their future. A free, democratic Iraq means defeat for the forces of terrorism and instability in Iraq. Clearly, the recent surge of violence in Iraq is related to the imminent transfer of sovereignty. Those who fear democracy are trying to delay its arrival. Those who incite terror realize their days are numbered. Opponents of a free and democratic Iraq are desperate and will become even more desperate, we all fear--at least I do, and I think some others--in the weeks to come until June 30. It is my hope, but I certainly do not want to raise expectations, but I do have a hope that once the realization, after June 30, settles in among the Iraqi people that at long last the first of a series of steps to give them total sovereignty is occurring, that 80 to 90 percent of Iraqi citizens want this program to succeed and the coalition forces to finish their work. Those people will help us in establishing a greater degree of security in Iraq. We must be prepared, however, for such violence as does continue to occur between now and June 30 and afterwards. There is not going to be a cliff, an abrupt drop-off. It is likely to continue for a period of time, but our coalition forces are resolute to maintain that security. Some greater detail was shared with this body by the Deputy Secretary of Defense and the Under Secretary of State yesterday during our hearing outlining these first steps towards democracy, including: formation of an Iraqi Interim Government, with the assistance of the U.N., and extensive consultation with the Iraqi people, to accept limited sovereignty on June 30, 2004; the organization of elections for a representative national assembly and transitional government, to be held no later than January 31, 2005; the drafting and ratification of a constitution by October 2005; and, elections and formation of a constitutional Iraqi government by the end of December 2005. During this interim and transitional period, considerable effort will be made by U.S. and coalition forces to select, train, equip and mentor the various components of the Iraqi security forces, so as to be able to assume increasing responsibility for the internal security and external defense of Iraq. This is a good plan--a realistic plan--that has received the support of Ambassador Brahimi, the special representative of the U.N. Secretary General, Kofi Annan. This plan, and what additional support may be required from the U.N., are the subject of ongoing discussions at the U.N. Lasting peace and security in Iraq and Afghanistan will be achieved when we establish the conditions for democratic, economically viable nations. The first steps to democracy have been taken and new governments are, or soon will be, preparing to assume the responsibilities and challenges of freedom and democracy. These new governments will need the continued support and commitment of the Congress, the American people, and the international community. Their success will stand as a beacon of hope to others in the region and around the world, and as a harbinger of defeat for the forces of violence and terror. I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Madam President, I commend our distinguished colleague from Texas. He spoke from the heart on this measure. It is a matter of utmost seriousness. I ask unanimous consent I be made a cosponsor on this pending legislation.

Mr. WARNER. Madam President, I rise again to join the Senator from Texas and many other Members on this side of the aisle in strong support of health care liability reform. My father was a medical doctor. He was an obstetrician. I am grateful to so many doctors from whom I am hearing all across America about this crisis. My father had no great interest in politics. He voted regularly; I remember that. I think most physicians find little time to involve themselves in politics. But this is a political question. We have to look at it fair and square and call it as it is. America is crying out from every corner of our land, from all 50 States, for relief from the oppressive number of lawsuits brought against the medical profession, a profession that is not interested in politics. They are only interested in caring for the citizens of this Nation. I am proud to stand with the distinguished majority leader, Mr. Frist, the distinguished Senator from New Hampshire, the Senator from Texas, the Senator from Nevada, and others, time and time again in this Senate to urge this body to rise above politics and extend a helping hand to the medical profession. Early this year, I was pleased to offer my own amendment on health care liability reform. My amendment was called the Protect the Practice of Medicine Act, amendment No. 2624, but procedural impediments--I have to recognize we follow the rules around here--prevented the Senate from addressing that bill. My amendment was supported by the American Medical Association, the American College of Surgeons, and a number of other associations representing the men and women in our medical profession. Unfortunately, a procedural move by the opponents precluded the Senate from voting on this amendment. I stand today in hopes there will be a vote on this measure. This measure is very much like the measure I put forth; indeed, the goals are common. Opponents of health care liability reform have been using procedural tactics in the Senate to prevent an up-and-down vote on these issues for many years. The consequences are grave. Men and women continue to leave the practice of medicine due to the high cost of malpractice insurance, and patients continue to lose access to medical health care. We have all heard the real stories from doctors about the rapidly increasing costs of medical malpractice insurance. In some States, malpractice insurance premiums have increased as much as 75 percent in 1 single year. As have others in this body, I have received numerous letters from medical professionals from the Commonwealth of Virginia and across the Nation that share with me the very real difficulties they encounter with malpractice insurance and the consequences of this problem. Let me read one of those letters sent to me by a doctor in Virginia. The doctor writes: I am writing you to elicit your support and advice for the acute malpractice crisis going on in Virginia. . . . I am a 48-year-old single parent of a 14 and 17 year old. After all the time and money spent training to practice OB/GYN-- That is obstetrics, my father's profession, or specialty-- I find myself on the verge of almost certain unemployment and unemployability because of the malpractice crisis. I have been employed by a small OB/GYN group of doctors for the last 7 years. . . . Our malpractice premiums were increased by 60 percent in May of 2003. . . . The prediction from our malpractice insurance carrier is that our rates will probably double at our next renewal date in May 2004. The reality is we will not be able to keep the practice open and cover the malpractice insurance along with other expenses of medical practice. Another letter writer from the Midwest: Due to the rapid increase of premiums, the crisis is one of affordability and availability of insurance for physicians. . . . The result of this is premature retirement, physicians moving to more favorable areas-- Moving from one State to another State-- discontinuing high-risk procedures or finding other ways to make a living out of medicine. All of this, of course, affects the patients, who have increasing difficulty finding medical care. Letter after letter are stories of the effect this crisis is having across America. Time magazine and Newsweek have thoroughly detailed the crisis doctors are facing. I have the two recent issues entitled ``Lawsuit Hell,'' and the second, ``The Doctor is Out.'' It is being discussed all across America. That is why it is so imperative this institution, the Senate, be given the opportunity to vote on this issue. In June of 2003, Time magazine had a cover story on the effects of rising malpractice insurance rates. The story entitled ``The Doctor is Out'' discusses several doctors all across America who have had to either stop practicing medicine or had to take other action due to increased insurance premiums. One example cited in the Times article is the case of Dr. Mary-Emma Beres. Time reports: Dr. Mary-Emma Beres, a family practitioner in Sparta, N.C., has always loved delivering babies. But last year, Dr. Beres, 35, concluded that she couldn't afford the tripling of her $17,000 malpractice premium and had to stop. With just one obstetrician left in town for high-risk cases, some women who need C-sections now must take a 40-minute ambulance ride. Dr. Beres' case makes clear that not only doctors are being affected by the medical malpractice crisis but patients, as well. With increased frequency due to rising malpractice rates, more and more patients are not able to find the medical specialists they need in their community or in a neighboring community and have to travel long distances or even go out of State, to other States, where there has been closer control on the types of lawsuits that generate these exorbitant fees. Newsweek magazine had a cover story on the medical liability crisis. That cover story was entitled ``Lawsuit Hell.'' I was struck by the feature in this magazine about a doctor from Ohio who saw his malpractice premiums rise in 1 year from $12,000 to $57,000. As a result, this doctor ``decided to lower his bill by cutting out higher risk procedures like vasectomies, setting broken bones, and delivering babies''--even though obstetrics was his favorite part of practice. Now he glances wistfully at the cluster of baby photos still tacked to a wall in his office. `I miss that terribly,' he says.'' While these stories are compelling on their own, the consequence of this malpractice crisis can even be greater. On February 11, 2003, a woman by the name of Ms. Leanne Dyess of Gulfport, MS, shared with both the HELP Committee--of which the distinguished chairman is present managing this bill--and the Judiciary Committee her very personal story about how this crisis has affected her. She told us how, on July 5, 2002, her husband Tony was involved in a single- car accident. He was rushed to the hospital in Gulfport where he had head injuries and received medical attention. Tony could not be treated at the Gulfport hospital because they did not have the specialist necessary to take care of him. After a 6-hour wait, he was airlifted to the University Medical Center. Today, Tony is permanently brain damaged. According to Mrs. Dyess, no specialist was on staff that night in Gulfport because rising medical liability costs had forced almost all of the brain specialists in that community to abandon their practices. As a result, Tony had to wait 6 hours before the only specialist left in Gulfport could treat Tony to reduce the swelling in his brain. As you can see, without a doubt, the astronomical increases in medical malpractice insurance premiums are having wide-ranging effects. It is a national problem, and it is time for a national solution. President Bush has indicated that the medical liability system in America is largely responsible for the rising costs of malpractice insurance. The American Medical Association and the American College of Surgeons agree with him, as does almost every doctor in Virginia with whom I have discussed the issue. The President of the AMA, Dr. John Nelson, has publicly stated: We cannot afford the luxury of waiting until the liability crisis gets worse to take action. Too many patients will be hurt. The American College of Surgeons concurs by stating: More and more Americans aren't getting the care they need when they need it. . . . The ``disappearing doctor'' phenomenon is getting progressively and rapidly worse. It is an increasingly serious threat to everyone's ability to get the care they need. Let me state unequivocally that I agree with our President, with the AMA, with the American College of Surgeons, and with the vast majority of doctors all across Virginia. While the amendment I offered earlier this year is somewhat different from the measure before us today--the goals are the same: to ensure that patients have access to quality health care and to protect the practice of medicine from frivolous lawsuits and runaway jury verdicts. The legislation before us today is a commonsense solution to a serious problem, and it is time for us to vote up or down on this legislation. Over the past several weeks, I have listened closely to my colleagues speak on the floor of the U.S. Senate about the importance of having an up-or-down vote on particular legislation. And, in response, I ask, how is this bill any different? I, for one, intend to vote to end the filibuster on health care liability reform legislation. The consequences of continued dilatory tactics are too profound to patients and doctors in this country. I urge my colleagues to do the same. Madam President, I hope this institution can live up to its responsibility as duly elected representatives of the people of this country and respond to the cries of the people of this country to address this situation. I yield the floor.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I rise in support of S. 1890, the Stock Option Accounting Reform Act. I am pleased to cosponsor this important legislation, and I applaud the distinguished Senator from Wyoming, Senator Enzi, and the distinguished Democratic whip for their leadership. I urge all my colleagues to pay close attention to this legislation, and to join those of us who believe that the mandatory expensing of stock options would harm American companies, and more importantly, harm American workers who benefit from the issuance of stock options from their employers. The Financial Accounting Standards Board--FASB--may soon take action that would require public companies to record employee stock options as an expense. This will unequivocally impede economic growth and stifle the economic recovery of our high-tech sector as well as other industries. As a result of FASB's proposal, companies will take a massive earnings charge based on stock option ``costs''. Just as we hope to turn the corner, the tech industry will be disproportionately hit with phantom costs that will undermine general investor confidence in the tech recovery. Expensing will destroy our partnership culture of distributing stock options to our entire workforce. We know from empirical research that broad-based employee ownership delivers higher returns to shareholders, greater productivity, and increased returns on equity. In addition, small companies and start-ups, which depend on employee stock options to attract the smartest and brightest, will be dealt a detrimental blow. The costs associated with the implementation of this new rule will inhibit small business growth. In a time when the United States is struggling to keep more jobs in America, this proposal undermines U.S. competitiveness. Talented and skilled U.S. workers will be forced to look to our competitors, countries such as Taiwan and Singapore, for high paying technology based employment. It is imperative that the United States retains its status as a global technology leader. Innovation and hard work are two basic fundamentals that founded our country. Broad based employee stock options provide incentives for workers to work harder, promote savings and serve as an incentive for creating new ideas, which ultimately promotes economic growth. I commend my colleagues for introducing this important piece of legislation, and it is my hope that you will join me in voting in favor of S. 1980.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, with enormous enthusiasm and pride I rise today to commend President Bush and his national security team for the continually strong leadership they are providing in the ongoing global war on terrorism, and particularly as they assist the Iraqi people in their imminent transition to sovereignty. Almost 1 year ago, a coalition of nations, led by the U.S. Armed Forces, and, indeed, those from Great Britain, liberated the Iraqi people from decades of repressive, tyrannical rule at the hands of Saddam Hussein. That day, April 9, will long be celebrated in the history of Iraq. Our President did the right thing--he did the right thing--in gathering a coalition of nations to rid Iraq of a leader who had used weapons of mass destruction against his own people, who had a regime of over 30 years of tyrannical oppression, murdered indiscriminately. This individual simply had to be brought to the terms of accountability, accountability to his own people. That orderly process is now under way. He defied international law for over 12 years. Clearly America and the world are safer today, and Iraq is a better place with a hopeful future as a result. Tragically, the effort to make America and the world safer and to defend freedom around the world is not without an enormous cost to this Nation in terms primarily of lost lives and those who bear the scars and the wounds of war, and their families who must bear these losses. They have our deepest compassion. I extend my heartfelt sympathies to the families of the loved ones of those who have died and those who bear the wounds of combat. We are fortunate as a Nation to have dedicated citizens who willingly volunteer to make such great sacrifices to defend this Nation's liberty. Just weeks ago, together with the distinguished Senator from Alaska and the distinguished Senator from South Carolina, I went to Iraq and Afghanistan and again looked into the faces of those brave young men and women and thanked them on behalf of the people of this Nation. In just 3 months--91 days to be exact--the sovereignty that has been held in trust by the Coalition Provisional Authority since Iraq was liberated on April 9, 2003, will be returned to the Iraqi people. This will represent an important milestone on Iraq's path to freedom and democracy, but it is a path fraught with continuing dangers. The recently adopted ``Transitional Administrative Law'' states that ``the work of the [Iraq] Governing Council shall come to an end'' upon the assumption of sovereignty by an Iraqi Interim Government on June 30, 2004. The TAL further states that this Iraqi Interim Government ``shall be constituted in accordance with a process of extensive deliberations and consultations with cross-sections of the Iraqi people conducted by the Governing Council and the Coalition Provisional Authority and possibly in consultation with the United Nations.'' Yesterday, the Armed Services Committee, which I am privileged to chair, received testimony from several Department of Defense officials regarding on-going military operations and activities in Iraq, and preparations for this transition to sovereignty. While some concerns about details of the transition remain, I was greatly encouraged by the testimony the Committee received. A coordinated process of deliberation and consultation with the Iraqi people is underway by the Coalition Provisional Authority, the Iraqi Governing Council, and representatives of the United Nations to define and select an Iraqi Interim Government. Much remains to be done in this process, but it is a process that must not be delayed. The moment has arrived for the coalition to move from occupying power to partner. The moment has arrived for the Iraqi people to assume responsibility for their destiny. The path to full freedom and democracy in Iraq will not be without difficulty and missteps. That is to be expected, but we must not be afraid to continue that journey. Symbolically, much will change on June 30. Iraq, after 30 plus years of isolation, will rejoin the community of nations and resume responsibility for its actions and relations with other nations. In terms of the reconstruction and security efforts initiated by the Coalition Provisional Authority and coalition forces, little will change on July 1. Ongoing training of Iraqi Security Forces, assistance in restoring security, revitalization of essential infrastructure, and institutionalization of democratic processes will continue. Two weeks ago, I traveled to Iraq, together with Senator Stevens and Senator Hollings. I was impressed by the progress that has been made since I last visited that nation in July. The challenges ahead are daunting, but the spirit of our men and women in uniform, and that of the Iraqi people, was reassuring and inspiring. While the progress made in Iraq is substantial, it must be viewed in the context of the entire Middle East. Iraq can serve as an example and a beacon of hope, but much more complex issues must be addressed. During my recent trip to the region for consultation with both U.S. and foreign leaders, there was a consistent expression of concern about the continuing conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. The lack of progress toward a peaceful resolution continues to fan the flames of discontent across the entire region. The continuing violence breeds more violence that will undermine positive developments anywhere else in the region. We must redouble our efforts to find common ground on this difficult issue, if we are ever to achieve a peaceful world and triumph over terror and violence. There are more challenges ahead, and there will be disappointments. That is clear. It is equally clear that President Bush and his national security team are up to the challenge. President Bush has provided steady, strong leadership in troubled times and will lead us to a safer, more secure future. I yield the floor.