John Warner

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. I thank the Senator. We recognize the Senator from Alabama is next to be recognized for an opening statement. I commend our colleague from Rhode Island first for his hard work throughout the years on the committee on which he has served from the first day he came to the Senate, and most particularly now in his capacity as the chairman of the subcommittee, which is a very important subcommittee dealing with many issues. I thank him for his work with Senator Levin and myself as we worked our way through the resolution of some issues that were very important to him. I thank the Senator very much. Mr. President, I will keep on my desk, as will the distinguished chairman, a list of the amendments which are now coming in. I am pleased to say we are down to where there is a single person who is examining the possibility of the UC request shortly to be propounded on the question of putting in the amendments for consideration by a certain time today, so we can hopefully complete this bill tomorrow night. My understanding is that at the conclusion of the remarks of the Senator from Alabama, we will turn to amendments; and in all probability, our distinguished colleague from Kentucky will seek recognition at that time.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I wish to commend our distinguished colleague from Alabama. He is a tireless worker on our committee and a great watchdog of the taxpayers' dollars. I especially thank him for his reference to the work done by the full committee, and indeed others subsequent thereto, to resolve such issues as we had during the course of the markup on the missile defense system. He has been a keen observer and a strong contributor to America's ability to prepare itself against a limited attack. I thank the Senator.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I thank our distinguished colleague from Kentucky for his remarks. He is a very valuable member of our committee, and he straightforwardly told us from the very first he would be in opposition to the BRAC procedure. The opposition he indicated preceded indeed the crisis we now face as a consequence of the tragedies of September 11. I nevertheless have decided to continue to support the action of the committee, and I will recite my reasons for doing so in the course of the next few minutes. I will address one point my colleague made so it is fresh in the minds of those Senators and others following this important debate. He read from a letter, and I shall put the letter in the Record. It is addressed to me from the Secretary of Defense and I will read it in its entirety momentarily. But he quoted: While our future needs as to base structure are uncertain and are strategy dependent, we must simply have the freedom to maximize the efficient use of our resources. Freedom, in a sense, goes directly to what the bill says. The bill very carefully and simply puts in place, in the hands of the Secretary of Defense, the authority to go forward with such legislation if he deems it necessary at some future date. So the Senate will be asked to make a decision of deleting this provision or sustaining the committee report and bill and thereby just putting in place the authority for the Secretary to do the following: If the President does not transmit to Congress the nomination for appointment to the commission on or before the date specified for 1993 in clause 2 of subparagraph B, for 1995 in clause 3 of that paragraph, or for 2003 in section 4, the process by which the military installations may be selected for closure realignment under this part with respect to that year shall be terminated. So what we are doing, in a sense, putting aside all of that technical language, is simply giving the Secretary of Defense the authority to proceed. I supported it in the committee, and I support it now. I say to my good friend, after discussion with him and others, I thought as to whether or not we should proceed to put in place on a standby basis the authority. I reflected on the many rounds of base closures in which I have had personal experience. As a matter of fact, I was the author of the legislation involving several previous BRAC rounds. Going as far back as when I was privileged to serve in the Department of Defense, in those days a service secretary could initiate the BRAC procedures and did so and closed such major installations as the Boston naval shipyard. That was, I believe, in the 1971-1972 timeframe. So I have had a long familiarity with the BRAC procedures, the goals of BRAC, and I reflected on whether or not I would support the BRAC when this bill came to the floor, and I do so. My concern was much along the lines of our distinguished colleague from Kentucky. America is experiencing a callup of the Reserve and Guard units. America sees our Nation faced with a great many uncertainties and challenges never before faced, the complexity of the foreign policy considerations and the security considerations flowing from the tragic events of September 11, without parallel in our history. So why should we at this point in time critical to our national defense and that to help our allies and friends be faced with a BRAC round? I long ago made the decision, before we took it up in committee, we would not have 2 years; we would only have the one, and I told that to the Secretary of Defense, and indeed when they came before the Congress they had selected the single year because BRAC brings upon a community a tremendous amount of unsettling factors, particularly in the towns and cities where we have the military bases. It is home for so many of the men and women of the Armed Forces and civilian workers. It is an unsettling thing from their economic standpoint. They are planning for the future and for business, and to have this hanging over their head is a difficult situation. Most communities will go out and expend a considerable sum of money to hire experts who have been through the complicated procedures that BRAC thrusts upon the communities to assist them in stating their claim, as they have a right under the law for continuing to have those military facilities open and not have them the subject of a possible future closure by a base closure commission. Having thought all through that, I personally talked to the Secretary of Defense and I reiterated these arguments to him. I think it was not more than a day or two after September 11, because I have had an opportunity to visit with him on a number of occasions--and Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz--and I laid before them the fact we are calling up people, we are augmenting our forces, there is uncertainty, and the last thing we need is instability in those communities which provide a home for the men and women of the military. So I said I would like to have you send a letter to me, if it is your desire that the Senate proceed to ask for a vote in favor of the bill as now written, and he wrote me on September 21. I will read it because it is very important. Dear Senator Warner: I write to underscore the importance we place on the Senate's approval of authority for a single round of base closures and realignments. Indeed, in the wake of the terrible events of September 11, the imperative to convert excess capacity into warfighting ability is enhanced, not diminished. Since that fateful day, the Congress has provided additional billions of taxpayers' funds to the department. We owe it to all Americans, particularly those service members on whom much of our responsibility depends, to seek every efficiency in the application of those funds on behalf of our warfighters. Our installations are the platform from which we will deploy the forces needed for the sustained campaign the President outlined last night. While our future needs as to the base structures are uncertain and are strategy dependent, we simply must have the freedom to maximize the efficient use of our resources. The authority to realign and close bases and facilities will be a critical element of ensuring the right mix of bases and forces within our warfighting strategy. No one relishes the prospect of closing a military facility or even seeking the authority to do so, but as the President said last evening, `We face new and sudden national challenges,' and those challenges will force us to confront many difficult choices. In that spirit, I am hopeful that Congress will approve our request for authority to close and realign our military base facilities. Thank you for the opportunity to provide our views in this important matter. Other Senators are anxious to address this matter, and I may reenter the debate subsequently before we proceed to a vote, but I assure the Senate this Senator deliberated long and carefully as to whether or not I would continue my support. I have given the request by the Secretary simply to put in place the necessary authorization to proceed. If it is his judgment and that of the President to do so some months ahead, then I think it is important we do proceed because we have an obligation to the American taxpayers that those dollars that are authorized and appropriated for the Department of Defense be spent very wisely. Subsequently, I or others will address the question of savings, but my calculation is, the 152 major closures and realignments resulting from the BRAC procedures of 1988 through 1995 will save the Department $14.5 billion by 2001--that fiscal year is about to end--and $5.7 billion every year thereafter. There is additional information on the savings which will be placed into the Record. I yield the floor.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Madam President, I rise today to introduce a resolution to help increase the awareness of tuberous sclerosis or TS. Even though 1,000,000 people worldwide are affected with this disease, few are even aware of it. TS is a genetic condition characterized by lesions of the skin and central nervous system, tumor growth and seizures, and TS is transmitted either through genetic inheritance or as a spontaneous genetic mutation. It is the leading known cause of epilepsy, and may also cause brain, eye or kidney tumors, hydrocephalus, and disfiguring growths on the skin. At least two children born every day will be affected by TS, which affects 1 million people worldwide of all races and ethnic groups. Infants and children too often spend their lives being misdiagnosed, possibly leading to irreparable brain damage, Kidney failure, and even premature death. Because there is no cure for this disease, early intervention is important in helping to overcome developmental delays. Passage of this important resolution will help to raise the importance of early detection and proper treatment of TS; encourage increased funding for research and treatments; and call upon the National Institutes of Health, NIH, to develop a research plan for TS. For all of the families that are affected by this terrible disease, I ask that my colleagues support this important legislation. By helping America to learn about and understand tuberous sclerosis, we will help to improve the quality of life for many Americans.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Madam President, September 11, 2001 was indeed one of the most tragic days in America's history. While our lives will never be the same, I know that we will be better and stronger as a Nation. Regrettably, these loathsome, cowardly acts of terrorism have deeply wounded our country, but they have not, and will never dull, the spirit and resolve of the American people. My thoughts and prayers are with those who lost loved ones on that horrific day. My thanks and deep appreciation go out to the many thousands who stepped up in the face of danger to assist in the devastating aftermath, and who continued to work tirelessly at the Pentagon, the World Trade Center, and the Pennsylvania crash site. During this time of crisis it is important that we come together as a nation. Thus far, the American people have responded in many different ways: by donating blood, sending money, even participating in the rescue efforts underway in Virginia and New York. But, for one group of people, young Americans, it has been especially difficult for them to find a meaningful outlet for their tremendous need to be involved. That is why I am so proud today to rise in support of four Virginia youngsters, and to introduce a resolution on their behalf that will help share their remarkable and uplifting story with a country in need of such stories. The Welch sisters, Ashley, Aubrey, Alyssa and Alana, might not have their father, Lt. Col. Tracy Welch, here today had a meeting he was due to attend at the Pentagon in the morning of September 11, 2001, not been postponed. After the cowardly attacks on our country, the Welch sisters, like so many other Americans, went to donate blood. However, because they were underage, they were turned away. Some might have stopped there, but these girls, aged 10-16, were determined to make a difference. So, in two days, they organized four local car washes and mobilized approximately one hundred of their friends to help them wash cars by urging their friends to ``Help Wash the Hurt Away.'' At the end of these two days, the Welch Sisters and their friends raised $10,000 for the American Red Cross. They called their effort ``Wash America.'' The Welch sisters are now taking their effort a step further, believing that what can be accomplished in two days in Annandale and Alexandria, Virginia, can happen in cities and towns and rural areas across this country. Accordingly, they decided to organize three consecutive ``National Wash America Weekends'' to reach out to millions of youth in more than 100,000 schools around America and to raise funds for the American Red Cross. Today, they have a Web site, www.washamerica.org. a logo, and companies pledging support. I am honored that they asked me for support in the United States Senate. The resolution I introduce today will support these young Americans' determination to create three, consecutive ``National Wash America weekends.'' This resolution will serve as a vehicle for my colleagues, by adding their names as cosponsors, to similarly support Wash America events within their states. And, most important, it salutes every young person in America who is doing his or her part to ``Wash Away the Hurt.'' I urge my colleagues to support this important resolution.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Jimmie Keenan and Ray Ivie, fellows on the staff of Senator Hutchison, be granted the privilege of the floor for the duration of today's debate.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I thank my colleague. The morning of September 11 was a moving moment in the life of every American. Senator Levin and I, within a very short time after learning of the attacks both in New York and in Virginia, and of course the devastation that occurred in Pennsylvania and the peripheral tragic consequences that came upon the States of New Jersey, Connecticut, Maryland and the District of Columbia, in close proximity to these attacks--I called my friend and I said I think you and I should show our support at this point in time for the men and women of the Armed Forces and for the President and for the Secretary of Defense. I made a call to the Pentagon which resulted in the Secretary of Defense saying, ``Your participation this day of the attack would be welcome and helpful.'' The two of us met and went to the Department of Defense. Just a few hours after that attack, Senator Levin, the Secretary of Defense, and I stood right there, about 100 yards or so from where that plane crashed into that edifice, the Pentagon, which represents, to our men and women in uniform, the epicenter of the command and control of their destiny. I thank my colleague for joining me that morning in going to the Department. I think every time I have had the opportunity to address the Senate since that period, I begin by saying that all of us in the Senate have in our minds, in our prayers, the victims who were lost in these attacks and their families, no matter where they are, around the nation and around the world. Yes, we have them in our prayers. But, those prayers are combined with prayers for literally thousands of men and women: firefighters, policemen, rescue squads, hospital and Red Cross workers, construction workers--that realm of individuals that shun recognition but who selflessly responded to those sites, first in New York and then in a fraction of time in Virginia, to try to help at those sites where the attacks were inflicted. That band of brothers and sisters, as one fireman said to me, whether they are in Virginia or New York or Pennsylvania, or from any of the many States and localities that sent help, represent the finest traditions of this great Nation about how we respond and help each other in time of need, all of us. Now the Nation is arm in arm united behind our President, moving forward--steadily, carefully, thoughtfully--to address the needs of the Nation and the means by which we, seeking justice, will bring about a redress of these criminal acts, perhaps with the use of force, which is likely to be necessary. Of course, last night, as our President spoke, I and others had in mind the men and women in the uniform of the United States Armed Forces and their families who will bear the brunt if and when that force is used. Mr. President, I thank my chairman. We have worked together in this chamber for 23 years and now we face another challenge. We are fortunate to have on our committee men and women who are absolutely committed to do what is necessary and proper to help this country in this hour of challenge and need. I think it is appropriate, following the President's magnificent address last night--and I know of no President in the history of the United States of America who has ever been faced with a more challenging, a more complex framework of international security issues, economic issues, and threats to the United States than has our President, President Bush--that we now take up and swiftly pass this Defense Authorization Bill for Fiscal Year 2002 that provides the President the resources he has asked for and that our armed forces need. The President not only rose to the occasion last night, but I think, if I may say, he exceeded in every way our hopes and prayers that he would take command--as he did--and deliver a very clear message. Today, as the Senate turns to the consideration of our national defense authorization bill for the year 2002, in this time of national emergency, it is time we provide our President and the men and women of the Armed Forces, and the thousands of civilians who support those men and women, the requirements that they have for the coming fiscal year as best we can judge them. The chairman indicated that the President would be forthcoming any day now with an amendment to the 2002 bill. Our committee and other committees of the Senate will immediately turn to that, upon receipt. It is my expectation that it can be incorporated in this legislation during the course of the conference between the House and the Senate. The events of September 11 have forever changed this world, and forever changed the United States. The one change that is clear is that we are a stronger nation today. That inherent strength emerged not a second after the infliction of these grave attacks. The 11th, when we saw the smoke billowing from our homeland, is a day forever etched into everyone's memory. The initial shock was followed by a surging sense of new purpose and strength and, a word that all of us understand--``patriotism''--love of country for the freedoms that we have. Now a responsibility and a challenge fall upon the Congress--a coequal branch our Government--to work with our President and to serve our citizens. It is vital that we very carefully--as we have done--and expeditiously address this bill and, hopefully, act on it. The leadership has been tremendously supportive of Senator Levin, myself, and other members of the committee throughout the course of the past few days as we have worked to bridge our differences and bring this bill to the floor. I hope we can pass this bill, for this bill will communicate a message to our citizens and to the world that the U.S. resolves to do whatever is necessary to protect our homeland and our forces abroad, to work with our allies for their mutual protection, and to address the full spectrum of threats that confront our Nation, the entire Western World, and, indeed, all of civilization. As we have all heard and felt, this was not just an attack on America, but an attack on the world and the fundamental principles of civilization. All of us in this Chamber have recognized the fact that this is an increasingly dangerous world. There will be a time to look back on events and how well we were prepared, and how we were not prepared, to deal with this crisis. But those debates are yet to come. Now is the time for unity. We have it here today in the Senate. I addressed my caucus this morning outlining what Senator Levin and I have agreed upon. He addressed his caucus. We bridged the one remaining difference early this morning between the hours of 8 and 9. This managers' amendment, which we have just adopted by unanimous consent, in my judgment, satisfactorily addresses the remaining differences we had. When the authorization bill was reported out by the Armed Services Committee almost 2 weeks ago, there was a division among its members. That was understandable because our side--the Republican side--was unified behind what we saw were clear and justified requests by our President. The bill, at that time, contained certain provisions which we believed might impede his ability under the Constitution as the chief architect of foreign policy to continue and, hopefully, conclude certain negotiations he has undertaken with Russia with regard to the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. Further, we thought the dollar amounts which our President requested of the Congress for the purpose of initiating new research, development and testing with regard to our Nation's absolute necessity to prepare ourselves today, and most especially for future generations, against the threat of a limited attack on us, were inconsistent with what I believe are the President's justifiable requests. For that reason, we were not able to report out, as is the tradition of our committee, a bipartisan bill. But in the aftermath of the tragic events of September 11, the distinguished chairman and I, working with our Members on both sides, have now bridged these differences in large measure. We agree at this time, for reasons I have stated, that we feel that, in the aftermath of these attacks, the justification for moving forward with new ways to prepare this Nation against a limited attack of missiles is enhanced by what we saw on the 11th. It brought to us the realization that, yes, while there was some thought it was remote that a missile could attack this Nation someday, now we cannot ignore or eliminate any part of that full spectrum of threats that may be directed towards this country. So, as never before, we are strongly committed to support our President. In my own many years on this committee, I have worked as ranking member with Chairman Nunn, Chairman Stennis, and others. There were rare times when the chairman and the ranking member of the Armed Services Committee recognized, for whatever reason, that they could no longer have bipartisanship. I am reminded of two instances between Senator Nunn and myself. One was when we had a difference of view on the Tower nomination, and the other was the Gulf War resolution giving President George H. W. Bush the authority to utilize force in 1991. History reflects the outcome of those two events. But I remember that Senator Nunn and I shook hands. We recognized we had to go our different ways, and we did it. In the aftermath of both events, we rejoined as the chairman and ranking of the committee to work together. Senator Levin and I have likewise done so. There came a point in the course of our deliberations--it was actually last weekend following a joint appearance--when we were on a national television show that I told him I felt I had to go my separate way and introduce legislation which reflected very clearly what we Republicans perceived as the essentials that the Commander in Chief, the President, desired and needed. This included preserving his ability to continue negotiations regarding the ABM Treaty and to prepare for a future, limited missile attack. Hopefully, God will never let that happen. Regardless, we must make preparations. For a while we went our separate ways. But then in due course, Senator Levin introduced this bill we are acting on today. I say to my colleagues that I believe, along with the managers' amendment, this bill satisfies the concerns we had with the bill originally reported to the Senate by the committee, with regards to the ABM Treaty and equitable funding for ballistic missile defense. After careful consultation with the Secretary of Defense, the Deputy Secretary, and many others--consultations I have had at length every day this past week--I can represent to our chairman and to all members that the administration now supports this bill as it is drawn. Proceeding on, we have, as managers of this bill, introduced legislation which we believe should meet the expectations of the Senate and that the Senate, hopefully, will act swiftly upon this bill. I did not realize we would have the opportunity to consider this bill today, and I thank our leaders for recognizing the importance and timeliness of this important legislation. I hope Members, having heard the deliberations in our caucuses this morning regarding this bill, know those areas in which they are interested. If they have amendments, they should bring them to the floor. Hopefully they will be germane to the provisions of this bill and respectful of the spirit of discretion our leaders have asked for so that we can move expeditiously on this bill. I urge my colleagues to join us in sending our President and our fellow citizens in the world a message of this resolve by passing this bill. I remember also Governor Bush, when he was a candidate, reminded us almost prophetically in the Citadel in the fall of 1999 that: ``The protection of America itself will assume a high priority in a new century. Once a strategic afterthought, homeland defense has become an urgent duty.'' In that same Citadel speech, he called for ``anti- ballistic missile systems, both theater and national, to guard against attack and blackmail.'' He also called for strengthening our intelligence community and developing the technologies to detect chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons threatening our shores. The threat, as he perceived it then, required greater emphasis on homeland defense. Our committee, when I was privileged to be chairman several years ago, with the help of my now chairman, Senator Levin, established a subcommittee entitled ``Emerging Threats.'' The responsibility of that subcommittee was to provide the full committee with the wide spectrum of issues as they saw it with regard to known, anticipated, and unanticipated threats. This subcommittee examines whether the current elements of the national defense we have in place need to be strengthened or, indeed, new initiatives taken to strengthen, to hopefully deter, and, if necessary, to respond to these threats. This subcommittee has done a lot of valuable work. Senator Roberts was chairman; now Senator Landrieu is chairman. They have continued to provide very helpful assistance to the full committee, and the full committee has acted in many ways to protect our country from the growing threat of terrorism. When the bill was adopted by the committee this year--and I commend the chairman--the chairman actually, with his initiative, added another $200 million towards antiterrorist activities. As he mentioned earlier, part of that increase was expanding the scope of research and development of unmanned military vehicles. I thank the chairman for his recognition of my modest role in that. I assure you, I could not have achieved those initiatives as chairman without his support and that of the other members of the committee. The President of the United States has committed significant resources to deal with the types of terrorists threats we witnessed a week ago. For fiscal year 2002, President Bush requested $5.6 billion for the Department of Defense for activities to combat terrorism. This is a $1 billion increase over last year's level of funding. Again, the chairman added another $215 million, for which I commend him. With the committee's support, we clearly have a bill that addresses homeland defense, and supports this highest priority concern our President brought to the attention of the Nation in the fall of 1999 at the Citadel. Missile defense, in my judgment, is a critical component of that homeland defense. The President stands by his vision to prepare America and begin now to look at new options by which to prepare us to hopefully deter and then defend against a limited attack. This is clearly the time to stand by our President. I remember when the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, George Tenet, came before our committee. He has repeatedly warned us that ``America's superpower status does not bestow invulnerability upon us but in fact makes us a target for the angry and disaffected of the world.'' That was in his testimony. We as a Nation have grown accustomed to being safe within our borders. While many of us recognized the growing vulnerability, this vicious attack on our homeland removed all doubts about the full spectrum of the capabilities, military and otherwise, that the terrorists can use to inflict damage upon us. We have heard incredible stories of courage and heroism amidst the tragedy of the past week and a half. Our Nation today, as the President said last night, remains in danger. All American citizens should understand that. I remember so clearly in my past experience with the military, there was occasionally that sign--the all clear, sound the all clear bell aboard ships. And at my airbase in Korea, the cold winter of 1951-1952: The all clear siren had blown--We could rest easy. Today, that siren has not blown. I don't know, nor does anyone else know, when that siren can be blown across this Nation. We are in danger at this moment. We remain in danger. But the world should know that we are a much stronger Nation, and we are prepared, with the men and women of the Armed Forces today and the other many resources that we have, to deter and hopefully not let another attack hit this Nation. I hope those Members who have amendments will come to the floor. I see other Members seeking recognition. I hope our members of the committee will likewise come and express their views about this bill and their active participation on the committee. Again, I thank our chairman. I thank all members of our committee and our magnificent staff, on both sides. We have produced a commendable piece of legislation which is deserving of prompt consideration and enactment by the Senate. I yield the floor.

Mr. WARNER. Reserving the right to object--and I certainly will not object--I have joined with my distinguished chairman in preparation of the managers' amendment and will be a cosponsor of it.

Mr. WARNER. Today may be possible.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. If the Senator will yield, I join that with respect to the leadership provided by our distinguished majority whip. Yesterday on the train, as we were going to New York, we had Senator Daschle, Senator Lott, Senator Reid, Senator Levin, and I, and I think we finished up basically the procedural and, to some degree, the substantive points that remain, under the circumstances on which we concluded on the eve of visiting ground zero. That is an example of how, throughout the last six or seven days, Senator Levin and I have collaborated on bringing together a closure of the differences that were experienced in the committee, when the committee for the first time in living memory had a partisan division on reporting out a bill. I commend our chairman and the leadership. I think we are prepared today to present to the Senate a very fine bill on behalf of the men and women of the Armed Forces, their families, and those who are dependent and work with our Armed Forces. It would be my hope that in the course of the day, we can address such items as Members wish. But I think on our side, having participated in our caucus this morning, there is a feeling that we would like to move forward on this bill; and depending on the number of hours today, quite possibly we can bring to closure a number of issues and possibly begin to focus on when final passage could be achieved, subject to the leadership's desire for the time of the vote. I thank my colleague.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Madam President, I thank our distinguished leader.

Mr. WARNER. Madam President, I will not object. That will mean we will now go off the Defense bill, which we discussed. In consultation with our chairman, I hope by Monday we will be ready to proceed with some amendments as soon as the leadership establishes the parameters as to when the votes will be taken. We will be ready.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. I thank the Senator from Louisiana.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I wish to ask the Senator if he will forbear for a moment. In my capacity as ranking member of the committee, I thank our committee member from the great State of Louisiana for all of her hard work and for her taking over the chairmanship of the Emerging Threats Subcommittee. I don't know of any other task facing the Senate today that is greater than what faces her in trying to work for the administration now that the President has made some very significant announcements in restructuring efforts of the Federal Government toward addressing the emerging and, indeed, regrettably existing threats now poised at our country. So I commend the Senator from Louisiana and wish her well in the weeks and months to come in her new capacity as chairman.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I rise today to once again submit a resolution with my colleague from Washington, Senator Murray, to establish October 17, 2001, as the Day of National Concern About Young People and Gun Violence. We all remember the events in Conyers, GA, Littleton, CO, Pearl, MS, West Paducah, KY, Jonesboro, AR, and Springfield, OR. Neighborhoods in these areas have all been home to horrific school shootings. Youth gun violence, however, is not limited to these all too often incidences of school shootings. America has lost thousands of children in what has become the all-too-common violence of drive-by shootings, drug wars, and other crimes, as well as in self-inflicted and unintentional shootings. While there is no simple solution as to how to stop youth violence, a Minnesota homemaker, Mary Lewis Grow, developed the idea of a Day of National Concern About Young People and Gun Violence. I believe this idea is a step in the right direction, as do such groups as National School Boards Association, the National Association of Student Councils, the American Federation of Teachers, the National Parent Teacher Association, and the American Medical Association. Simply put, this resolution will establish October 17, 2001, as the Day of National Concern About Young People and Gun Violence. On this day, students in every school district in the Nation will be invited to voluntarily sign the ``Student Pledge Against Gun Violence.'' By signing the pledge, students promise that they will never take a gun to school, will never use a gun to settle a dispute, and will use their influence in a positive manner to prevent friends from using guns to settle disputes. The Day of National Concern addresses the necessity of involving America's youth in the debate on gun violence against young people. While adults may give advice and support, it is America's youth that must make the final decision to not use a firearm to resolve conflict. Just last year over 2 million young Americans signed the Student Pledge Against Gun Violence. Though this resolution is not the ultimate solution to preventing future tragedies, if it stops even one incident of youth gun violence, this resolution will be invaluable. I urge all of my colleagues to join in this resolution to focus attention on gun violence among youth.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I object for the same reasons as I stated under S. 1438.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I object. And the reasons for the objection are as follows: That in consultation with the Republican leader, in consultation with the majority whip, and in consultation with the chairman, the chairman is seeking to have this piece of legislation be considered under rule XIV. We have no objection to that, but for technical reasons the objection to the second reading is required. It should not be interpreted--my objection--as animosity or anything between the chairman and myself. It is just part of the procedure, arcane though it may be. So I object to second reading.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I rise today for the Senate to recognize the dedication and professional contributions made to the United States Senate and the Commonwealth of Virginia by one of my valuable staff members, Nancy T. Norton. For 2 years Nancy has effectively served as my Legislative Assistant for Military and Foreign Affairs. She has worked tirelessly in this position to provide sound counsel to me in the formation of military and foreign policy. More importantly, Nancy brought to this position endless energy and a wealth of compassion and caring as she worked on legislation to improve the quality of life for the men and women of the armed forces, our nation's military retirees and our veterans. Nancy's distinguished professional career is one of many accomplishments. After having graduated from the United States Naval Academy, Nancy began her service to the country as a Naval Officer and aviator flying the C-130 aircraft. Among the positions she held during her military career, she served as a pilot instructor for the E-6A aircraft and flew worldwide logistic support missions for the Department of Defense, including those in support of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in and around the Pacific Theater. Later, Nancy served as a Congressional Liaison Officer and a Department of Defense Legislative Detailee in the offices of Senator Susan Collins and former Virginia Congressman Norman Sisisky. After a time in the private sector, Nancy returned to public service as a member of my staff. She has been a tremendous asset to me as she brought her integrity and professionalism to every task she undertook. All of the members of my staff join me in wishing her every success in the next chapter of her career.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I was at the White House today with the President discussing all aspects of this present crisis. In the course of the conversations, he specifically referred to the fact that America must be understanding of those of Arab dissent, especially those who are American citizens, and indeed others who are here for various reasons. This terrible crisis should not reflect across the board on that culture. For it, I think, will eventually be seen as a very small fraction. I commend the President for our meeting today. I have for over 40 years had the privilege and the opportunity to be in the Oval Office. I started with President Eisenhower as a young person in the White House. I have been in that office with every successive President on a variety of matters. Our President, in the brief meeting of about 20 minutes or so with the two Senators from New York, my colleague, George Allen, myself, Condoleeza Rice, and Andrew Card, his chief, was absolutely calm. He was comfortable. He was knowledgeable. You got the feeling that he is a President who knew precisely what was going on and what has to be done. He was resolute and spoke with clarity about how he will take certain steps to right the criminal wrongs that have been done against our country in due course. He is going to do it on his own timetable--nobody will pressure him--when he has the facts in hand to hold those accountable for these crimes against our country. I am very proud of our President. Indeed, he said that this is going to take time. It might not be one; it might be two; who knows how many actions we will have to take. But let there be no doubt that this country is resolute in its determination, and that our citizens will be proud of the manner in which men and women of the Armed Forces and all other portions of our Government will respond to this crisis and do whatever we can to see that it doesn't happen again. I thank the Chair. I yield the floor.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Reserving the right to object, could I ask the leadership, are we not, as a body, all 100 cosponsors? Has that parliamentary step been taken? If not, I ask unanimous consent that all Members of this body be cosponsors of the resolution.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I thank my colleagues and commend our leadership. I want to pick up on the note of our distinguished colleague from New York. We will never be the same as a nation. That is true. We will be a better nation. We will be a stronger nation, as we step up to meet this challenge. Yesterday our great Nation, our people, suffered in a single day its greatest tragedy of a single day. Immediately thereafter, this Nation, arm in arm, embarked on what I think history will reflect is its finest hour--hours yesterday, today, and tomorrow, into the future. Our Nation from coast to coast locked arms, irrespective of our backgrounds, our cultures, our faiths, our beliefs--indeed, our differences. We locked arms, united as a nation behind our President, behind our Government, putting full faith in our Government to lead us in this crisis. I pray that our President, our Congress, the Governors of the States, right on down to the city councils, the police, the firemen who are working today, seize this opportunity and make our Nation even stronger and greater. Our challenge here in our legislature, working with the President and others, will be to devise, yes, a strengthened security system in every walk of life for America, regrettably, every walk of life, with emphasis this morning on airports. But those of us who have worked in the area of terrorism know that airports, yes, are vulnerable, but there are many other areas in which we are vulnerable. I am proud that the Senate Armed Services Committee, working with the other committees of this body, 3 years ago, when I was privileged to be chairman, instituted a special subcommittee solely dealing with those threats that are emerging against the United States of America. We have done a lot of work in this Congress. We have done our best to legislate and put our funds behind us. But now let us seize this opportunity to indeed make this Nation stronger. Each of us will forever remember yesterday, where we were, what we did. Those of us who convened here yesterday morning then went to our staffs. I commend the leadership of the Congress, indeed, the police and others who had an orderly evacuation. I then called the Secretary of Defense, Don Rumsfeld and asked what could I do as the ranking member of the committee to show my full support for the men and women of the Armed Forces and the uniformed as well as the civilians. He said: John, come over. I called my colleague, the chairman, Senator Levin. We joined and went over and stayed the better part of 3 hours which I will never forget. The Secretary had us in the room, the chairman and I, the Joint Chiefs, the other staff. We watched the operations. The President called in. I watched the Secretary and the President. The Secretary handed me the phone and said: The President wishes to speak to you. America will be proud of the manner in which our command and control of our military and indeed the executive branch functioned to address this crisis. That chapter will be written. I said to my friend, the Secretary: I want very much, as a Senator from Virginia, to go and look at that area of the building that was struck. He said: Of course. I will escort you. And that he did for Senator Levin and I. We went around that building, in which I spent over 5 years of the happiest days of my life in the Navy's secretariat. We speculated as far back as the late 1960s and 1970s how that building could be attacked. Yes, we thought of this scenario. But that is history. There I saw that building and how that aircraft, Mr. President, was skillfully guided and piloted such as to penetrate that building through three or four of the rings. And as we are here today, the casualties we know not in number, but what we do know and what I saw, as I sat there but a few feet from the building, all around me were voluntary firemen, men and women, professional firemen and rescue men and women. Therein rests the greatness of our Nation as to how they responded and what they were doing, unselfishly, risking their own lives. We saw some coming out filled with smoke and debris but doing what they could to help those trapped, dead or otherwise, in that building. Our colleagues from New York have most dramatically and compassionately described what has occurred in their State. We grieve with our citizens today who are suffering these losses, the dead, the injured, and their families. But America remains unbowed. America is stronger. America is united. And we the leadership have our greatest challenge in this hour. Again, as we pursue the legislative challenge to balance the magnificence of our Constitution, which has held us united--it remains the oldest continuously performing Republic in the world today--and balance the need of additional security against human rights, civil rights, and the rule of law, we will do it. Never before has our Congress been faced with a greater challenge to preserve one of the greatest parts of this Nation, and yet address the future. Just a personal note, I remember World War II. I was a youngster in the early parts of it. My generation, at age 17, we all volunteered, in the fall of 1944, 1945. I became a sailor.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to proceed for 2 minutes.

Mr. WARNER. I remember that period very well, how all Americans united. My generation of 17 and 18, we were prepared to do our part in the war. But I called my children yesterday and I said much has been said about the greatest generation, those who were privileged to serve in World War II, those who were here on the home front. This Nation pulled together, met our adversaries and emerged stronger. I said, we may be remembered as the greatest generation, but my children and your children will become the greater generation because they will seize, with our leadership, the same challenge, the younger generation in America, and go beyond what we achieved in World War II. We will relentlessly pursue the enemy wherever they are, and we will carefully, under the rule of law, seek justice. We will prevail and become a stronger nation. I thank this body for the privilege of addressing it and the Nation today.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I rise today in support of the Smith amendment allowing American veterans--our U.S. citizens--who were used as slave laborers in Japan during WWII to have their day in court. I appreciate the sensitive nature of this issue. Just prior to the recess, I received correspondence from my dear friend and former Secretary of State, George Schultz. He outlined the provisions of article 14 of the 1951 peace treaty with Japan which seemingly settles the question of restitution for the former POWs. His letter, quite properly, has been referred to in order to address this issue. I must, however, respectfully disagree with my valued friend and adviser. I believe we must look at the entire treaty. Article 26 contains a provision which states that if Japan enters into any future treaties with other countries providing better terms than those extended to the United States, then those more favorable terms will be extended to the United States as well. It is my understanding that several other countries such as Sweden and Denmark have received such terms. I have listened closely to my esteemed colleague from Hawaii speak on this subject, and I recognize our duty to honor our treaties. However, we must be sure to look at the entire treaty and honor our obligations to our veterans who survived under such horrible conditions. I have been contacted by a significant number of veterans from my State, and I feel duty-bound to let them have their day in court. I ask my colleagues to consider their views and the entire treaty when making their vote.