John Warner

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. Will the Senator yield for a minute? We want to try to accommodate him. It may well be we can accept the amendment. He has not shown me a copy of it.

Mr. WARNER. We only have 21 minutes left. There is another Senator I would like to accommodate on a matter unrelated to the bill. Is there any harm in looking at it?

Mr. WARNER. I have a copy?

Mr. WARNER. I think we are ready to agree to the amendment.

Mr. WARNER. I move to lay that motion on the table. The motion to lay on the table was agreed to. Amendment No. 3267 (Purpose: To establish a National Bipartisan Commission on Cuba to evaluate United States policy with respect to Cuba)

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, Senator Dodd is recognized as one who has devoted much of his career to Central America. I have traveled with him in years past to those regions of the world, particularly in troubled times. I respect his judgment and I am pleased that he has joined on the Warner-Dodd amendment. It relates to Cuba. Senator Dodd and I, in the 105th Congress, put in legislation to allow the sale of food and medicine to Cuba. Unfortunately, it was not accepted. We renewed that effort. That was in the 105th, and we renewed it in the 106th. Unfortunately, it was not able to be accepted by the Senate. This Nation has experienced the Elian Gonzalez case, a most unusual chapter in history. I am not here to describe it because much of that case is clearly in the minds of Americans. But if there is some value out of that case, it has awakened America to the seriousness of this problem between the relationship of our Nation and Cuba. We have had various policies in effect for some 30-plus years and, in my judgment, those policies have not moved Fidel Castro. But Fidel Castro is a leader who does not have my respect, and I think many in this Chamber would share my view, if not all. There are certain ways we can bring to bear the influence of the money of America to try to help a change of the government, and to try to help the people to change their leadership. While we may have put in these series of sanctions over the years with the best of intentions, the simple fact is, there today Fidel Castro reigns, bringing down in a harsh manner on the brow of the people of Cuba deprivations for many basic human rights, deprivation from even the basic fundamentals of democratic principles of government. One only needs to go to that country to see the low quality of life that the people of Cuba have to face every day they get up, whether it is food, whether it is medicine, whether it is job opportunity, or whether there is any certainty with regard to their future. It is very disgusting and depressing. Referring back to the Gonzalez case again, the only point I wish to make is that it has opened the eyes of many in this country to the need for the policies of the United States of America in relationship to Cuba to be reexamined. It is my hope and expectation that the next President will take certain initiatives that will bring our Nation somehow into a relationship where we can be of help to the people of Cuba. All I wish is to help the people of Cuba. We have tried with food and medicine unsuccessfully, although through various pieces of legislation there is in some ways food and medicine going to those people. I remember a doctor. Former Senator Malcolm Wallop brought an American doctor to my office with considerable expertise in medicine. He said to me that the medical equipment available to his colleagues in the performance of medicine in Cuba was of a vintage of 30 years old-- lacking spare parts, almost nothing in the state-of-art medical equipment. What a tragedy to be inflicted upon human beings right here so close to America in Central America. In this amendment, Senator Dodd and I simply address the need for a commission to be put in place which would hopefully take an objective view of what we have done as a nation in the past with relation to Cuba and what we might do in the future. That commission would then report back to the next President of the United States and the Congress of the United States in the hopes that we can make some fundamental changes in our policy relationship with Cuba which would help--I repeat help-- raise the deplorable quality of life for the people of Cuba. I anticipate the appearance momentarily of my colleague from Connecticut. We weren't able to judge the exact time when he would arrive.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I thank my colleague. Would he be kind enough to be a cosponsor of the amendment?

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, Senator Dodd and I wrote President Clinton in 1998--we had 22 Senators join us in that letter--recommending that he establish the very commission that is outlined in this legislation, but for reasons which are best known to him, he decided not to do it. Senator Dodd and I recommend this action because there has not been a comprehensive review of U.S.-Cuba policy or a measurement of its effectiveness or ineffectiveness in achieving the goals of democracy and human rights that the people of the United States wanted and which the people of Cuba deserve. We haven't had such a review in 40 years, since President Eisenhower first canceled the sugar quota July 6, 1960, and we imposed the first total embargo on Cuba on February 7, 1962. Most recently, Congress passed the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992 and the Helms-Burton Act of 1996. Since the passage of both of these bills, there have been significant changes in the world's situation that warrant, in our judgment, a review of our U.S.-Cuba policy, including the termination of billions of dollars of annual Soviet economic assistance to Cuba and the historic visit of Pope John Paul II to Cuba in 1998. In addition, in recent years numerous delegations from the United States have visited Cuba, including current and former Members of Congress, representatives from the American Association of World Health, and former U.S. military leaders. These authoritative groups have analyzed the conditions and the capabilities on the island and have presented their findings in areas of health, economy, religious view, freedom, human rights, and military capacity. Also, in May of 1998, the Pentagon completed a study on the security risk of Cuba to the United States. However, the findings and reports of these delegations, including the study by the Pentagon and the call by Pope John Paul II for the opening of Cuba by the world, have not been broadly reviewed by all U.S. policymakers. We believe it is in the best interests of the United States, our allies, the Cuban people, and indeed the nations in the Central American hemisphere with whom we deal in every respect. We have a measure that hopefully will come through very shortly regarding a very significant amount of money to help Colombia in fighting the drug wars. We are constantly working with the Central American countries, except there sits Cuba in isolation. We, therefore, believe that a national bipartisan commission on Cuba should be created to conduct a thoughtful, rational, objective--let me underline objective--analysis of our current U.S. policy toward Cuba and its overall affect in this hemisphere--not only on Cuba but how that policy is interpreted and considered by the other Central American countries. This analysis would in turn help shape and strengthen our future relationships with Cuba. Members of the commission would be selected from a bipartisan list of distinguished Americans from the private sector who are experienced in the field of international relations. These individuals should include representatives from a cross-section of U.S. interests, including public health, military, religion, human rights, business, and the Cuban American community. The commission's tasks would include the delineation of the policies--specifically achievements and the evaluation of: No. 1, security risks, if any, Cuba poses to the United States, and an assessment of any role the Cuban Government may play in the international terrorism, or illegal drugs; No. 2, the indemnification of losses incurred by U.S.-certified claimants with confiscated property in Cuba; No. 3, the domestic and international impact of the nearly 39-year- old U.S.-Cuba economic trade and travel embargo; U.S. international relations with our foreign allies; the political strength of Cuba's leader; the condition of human rights; religious freedom; freedom of the press in Cuba; the health and welfare of the Cuban people; the Cuban economy and U.S. economy and business, and how our relations with Cuba can be affected if we changed that. More and more Americans from all sectors of our Nation are becoming concerned about the far-reaching effects of our present U.S.-Cuba policy on U.S. interests and the Cuban people. Establishment of this national bipartisan commission will demonstrate leadership and responsibility on behalf of this Nation towards Cuba and the other nations of that hemisphere. I urge my colleagues to join Senator Dodd and myself. I ask the amendment be laid aside.

Mr. WARNER. Will the Presiding Officer state the exact parliamentary situation. Amendment No. 3214

Mr. WARNER. Do I understand that 1 hour of that is under the control of the Senator from Virginia.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I do not see Senator McCain here. I think perhaps he should lead off. Does Senator Feingold wish to lead off? Senator Feingold is a principal cosponsor, as I understand.

Mr. WARNER. I ask unanimous consent following the remarks of Senator Feingold the distinguished President pro tempore of the Senate be recognized.

Mr. WARNER. I did put in a request, of which I thought he was aware, that the President pro tempore will follow.

Mr. WARNER. We will proceed under the unanimous consent agreement, after the Senator from South Carolina.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I seek recognition and charge it to the time under my control.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I object. I object, Mr. President, on behalf of the leadership of the Senate.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I wish to inform all Senators I have submitted an amendment to the desk. I cannot bring it up as a second- degree amendment at this point in time, but I have submitted the following amendment. I represent, as manager of this bill, at the first opportunity when this bill resumes, I will put this amendment on. I read it: (Purpose: To express the sense of the Senate that all tax-exempt organizations engaging in campaign activities, including organizations organized under section 527 of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986, should make meaningful public disclosure of their activities) At the appropriate place, insert the following:

Mr. WARNER. Yes.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I pick up on my distinguished colleague's statement. This is a bill about campaign finance reform. What relevance is that? What germaneness is that to the armed services? I read from the Congressional Record of May 18 of this year when the Byrd-Warner bill was put on the MILCON bill. The Senator from Arizona said: Its inclusion in the military construction appropriations bill is highly inappropriate. Rather interesting. Mr. President, I yield 1 minute to each of my colleagues, the Senator from Arkansas and the Senator from Alabama.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I thank our distinguished colleague for her contribution first as chairman of the Seapower Subcommittee, and for this very important message she has delivered to the Senate this morning. I understand our distinguished colleague from Michigan, Mr. Levin, and the Senator from Georgia have consulted, and the Senator from Georgia desires some time now.

Mr. WARNER

Mr. WARNER. I thank the distinguished Senator. Yesterday I believe the Senator brought that to my attention and we failed to record it. My statement is so amended by the distinguished Senator from Nevada.

Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I propose to my ranking member that as soon as we conclude our opening remarks, the Senate then recognize the junior Senator from Massachusetts for a period of 1 hour; is that correct?

Mr. WARNER. I am delighted to accommodate them in that fashion.