Maxine Waters

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Velazquez), the ranking member of the Small Business Committee and an author of several provisions of this bill.

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from New York.

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I say to Chairman Hill that in light of changes we agreed to today, I want to take a moment to make clarifications about the authority the Treasury has and should use related to the provisions banning large institutional investors from purchasing single-family homes. Under our bill, the Secretary of the Treasury, in consultation with the heads of HUD, FHFA, and SEC, may issue regulations to minimize market disruptions and negative impacts on consumers and communities. He and I both firmly agree that the bill allows Treasury to do this and that Treasury must use this authority to issue regulations and clarify the following things. First, the bill was not intended to impact military housing, student housing, disability housing, or LIHTC-supported housing, as defined in our earlier May 15, 2026, posted draft of this bill. This bill was also not intended to include or impact nonprofits or community land trusts that purchase single-family homes. These entities are not for-profit, large institutional investors. In addition, large institutional investors are still prohibited from buying properties with land contracts, again, as defined in our earlier May 15 posted draft. These are not subject to landlord-tenant laws and are harmful to renters. Large institutional investors should only be allowed to purchase foreclosed, federally backed properties after individuals and approved nonprofits have been given the first chance to buy them through a 30-day first look period, as described in our earlier May 15 posted draft. Given our congressional intent, Treasury should use its authority to address these concerns and to minimize market disruption and mitigate negative impacts on consumers and communities. Mr. Speaker, I know Mr. Hill agrees with me on all of this, as we have discussed, and I would love for him to share his thoughts with our colleagues on this also. I yield to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Hill).

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I reclaim my time. I approve of everything Chairman Hill said, and I thank him.

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, let me just say that I appreciate Mr. Hill's support of some of the efforts that we made. Because of his background in banking and his experience, he understood exactly what we were talking about when we talked about the banks being able to do smaller loans and to provide mortgages for homes that cost a lot less than the millions of dollars. It was because of his background and his experience that he understood right away that we want this pilot program so that we can show everybody that it is impossible to be able to have a mortgage if, in fact, you are buying a home that costs less than millions of dollars. I thank him very much. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Liccardo), a member of the Financial Services Committee and an author of several provisions in this bill.

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 2071, the Save Our Shrimpers Act. Communities in places like Louisiana, Texas, Florida, and Georgia have deep, historic connections to the shrimping industry. They have raised concerns that foreign shrimping projects funded by international financial institutions, that is IFIs, are helping to dramatically increase the farmed shrimp supply, causing a glut that is driving down the price of shrimp and harming American business. This bill would direct the United States Government to oppose financial assistance by the World Bank and other international financial institutions to projects that support foreign shrimp farming, shrimp processing, or the export of shrimp. Mr. Speaker, I encourage Members to support this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I yield myself the balance of my time to close. Mr. Speaker, I am supportive of American workers, including the shrimpers' communities. For that reason, I recommend that my colleagues support this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 4437, the Supervisory Modifications for Appropriate Risk-based Testing Act of 2025, sponsored by Representative Timmons and our Subcommittee on Financial Institutions Ranking Member (Mr. Foster). This is a good bipartisan bill that will support our community banks and our credit unions. I have heard many community banks and credit unions raise concerns about their bank exams and ask how they might be streamlined. The bill provides these institutions with alternating full-scope and limited- scope opportunities. In order to qualify for this relief, community banks and credit unions must be well capitalized and well managed. For example, that means that in order to receive this relief, they cannot be subject to an enforcement order. The bill also clarifies that regulators retain the discretion to do additional exams if something unexpected develops related to safety and soundness and ensure that these institutions are complying with the law. I also appreciate that Chairman Hill and the sponsors worked with me to include my amendment to require the regulators have examiners with significant experience before they conduct exams of smaller banks and credit unions. My amendment would also minimize the number of examiners and time at the institution to carry out an onsite exam to reduce the burden on smaller institutions. Finally, Congress must receive statistics from the regulators every year about these changes so we can understand how they are being implemented. If Members want to do something meaningful to help our community banks and credit unions, then I urge them to support this bill. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Foster).

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, in closing, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, there is a lot that Congress can do to help our community financial institutions. This includes taking up deposit insurance reform bills like the ones that I and my committee Republicans have put forward. Increasing deposit insurance would help community banks and credit unions better compete for small businesses' deposits. I appreciate that unlike some of the other bills Republicans have tried to advance this Congress, which were either handouts to our largest banks or rollbacks of vital consumer protections, H.R. 4437 focuses on helping our community banks and credit unions. Mr. Speaker, I again urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in support of H.R. 3709, the Advancing the Mentor-Protege Program for Small Financial Institutions Act sponsored by our colleague and former chair of our Diversity and Inclusion Subcommittee, Representative Joyce Beatty. She has been such a strong leader in supporting our community banks and credit unions across the country, including our Community Development Financial Institutions, or CDFIs, and our Minority Depository Institutions, or MDIs. Now, H.R. 3709 will enhance the Treasury Department's Mentor-Protege Program, which pairs larger banks with smaller ones so they have a mentor they can get advice and support from to grow and thrive. The House first passed a similar version of Representative Beatty's bill by voice vote in 2020 and several more times since. However, this time we are debating this bill as President Trump attacks community lending by trying to wipe out the CDFI fund. I am so pleased Chairman Hill agreed to take up Representative Beatty's bill to continue our longstanding bipartisan tradition to support Minority Depository Institutions, or MDIs, alongside other community financial institutions like rural banks. Let me remind Members that during Trump's first term, Congress, led by Ranking Member Velazquez and myself, we had to set aside $60 billion for MDIs and CDFIs and other community financial institutions because the biggest banks were not providing Paycheck Protection Programs-- remember, the PPP loans to the smallest businesses. MDIs and other community lenders are critical to getting those funds to small businesses quickly so they could keep their lights on during the pandemic. Later, Democrats and Republicans worked together to pass a historic $12 billion package of capital investments and grants for CDFIs and MDIs, and those funds continue to support $130 billion in lending to underserved communities all across America. But there is more that we can do, like encouraging more partnerships to benefit rural banks and MDIs, as Mrs. Beatty's bill does. I urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. Beatty).

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 4478, the Tailored Regulatory Updates for Supervisory Testing Act of 2025, sponsored by the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Moore) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Torres). This bill raises the asset threshold from $3 billion to $6 billion for well-capitalized and well-managed banks to qualify for an 18-month examination cycle instead of a 12-month exam. Like another bill we are considering on the floor today, the SMART Act, this bill incentivizes community banks to manage their businesses well. If they do, they are able to get less frequent exams. Congress last raised the threshold to $3 billion in 2018, which covered roughly 94 percent of banks. By raising the threshold to $6 billion today, we will update this threshold while covering roughly the same portion of banks. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Community banks, including those that are community development financial institutions, or CDFIs, and minority depository institutions, or MDIs, provide access to loans for families to buy a home and for entrepreneurs to start a small business. This bill will help ensure more of these institutions can focus on helping their customers. I, again, urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, tonight, you see members of the Congressional Black Caucus on the floor of the House of Representatives. If you think what you see tonight is a strong voice against an attempt to disrupt, undermine, and destroy the Voting Rights Act, you ain't seen nothing yet. This is just the beginning of what we must do, of what we have to do. Donald Trump's war on democracy did not start with redistricting, and it certainly will not end there. From day one, he has worked to dismantle diversity, equity, and inclusion and programs all across corporate America and throughout the Federal Government, fueling layoffs, shrinking opportunity, and pushing Black and Brown Americans further out of positions of power and economic mobility. After targeting diversity in jobs and opportunities and voices in the workplace, with the help of Republicans, this administration is now trying to eliminate representation in Congress itself. Let's call this exactly what it is: a coordinated and deliberate attempt to erase the political power of Black, Brown, low-income communities, and every other underserved and underrepresented group in America. Throughout racist redistricting schemes, backed by Republican legislatures and enabled by the Supreme Court, which recently voted to gut the Voting Rights Act, they are attempting to eliminate or weaken districts represented by Black lawmakers and potentially wipe out nearly a third of the Congressional Black Caucus. They know they cannot defend Donald Trump's failed economic agenda, rising costs, or assaults on working families, so instead, they are trying to rig the system and silence the very communities most harmed by their reckless policies. This is the same playbook we have seen over and over again from Donald Trump and his destructive administration. First, they attack DEI and celebrate the rollback of programs that helped open the doors for Black and Brown Americans in business, banking, and government. Then, they turn around and act surprised when unemployment skyrockets, opportunities disappear, and entire communities are pushed further behind. Now, they are taking the same dangerous agenda one step further by trying to erase Black representation from the Halls of Congress. Let me be very clear: This is bigger than politics. This is about whether America will continue moving forward as a democracy where every voice matters, or whether extremists will drag us backward into a time when power was reserved for only a select few. Generations of Americans marched, bled, and died for the right to vote and the right to fair representation. Donald Trump and his allies are dishonoring that sacrifice with one of the most aggressive attacks on voting rights and Black political representation we have seen in decades. Rest assured, I will not be silent. The Black caucus will not be silent. People of good will will not be silent while extremists attempt to dismantle the hard-fought progress that Black Americans built in this country. I will continue fighting to protect our democracy, defend the Voting Rights Act, and ensure Black communities and all underserved communities are heard, represented, and respected in the United States Congress. Mr. Speaker, yes, as I started this presentation this evening, I talked about the fact that the Black caucus is on the floor, but let me make sure you understand. It is not only on the floor. We will be everywhere. We will be in our churches. We will be in our universities. We will be in the Halls of Congress. We will go to the White House. We will do everything that we need to do to show not only Trump, but America in general, that we are not about to be intimidated by someone who disrespects our history and disrespects the sacrifices that have been made by our forefathers and foremothers. We know how to fight, and we are going to fight. We are going to fight like you have never seen us fight before. We will be in the hills. We will be on the streets. We will be in the hallways. We will be in the suites everywhere. Get ready for the struggle. Get ready for the fight. I am not afraid of the Supreme Court, not afraid of the opposite side of the aisle, not intimidated by anything or anybody. Black Americans will fight for what is right. We have made this country stronger. We have fought to make this democracy what it is today, and we are not going back. Get that right.

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, the very Reverend Jesse Jackson Presidential candidate and civil rights leader was not only my close friend and confidant, he was my longtime political ally and mentor. Reverend Jesse Jackson, Sr., was my idol and spiritual and political leader. He was a brilliant, gifted, and courageous civil rights leader who inspired millions. He registered millions to vote and challenged and changed the Democratic Party. Just a little bit about his background. I want you to know that Reverend Jackson at 30 years old was one of the youngest followers of Dr. Martin Luther King. Reverend Jackson spent his life continuing to protect and save the gains that were made during the civil rights movement. Now, I became a dedicated and committed follower of Jesse Jackson. I worked with Reverend Jackson in both the 1984 and the 1988 Presidential campaigns. I was a top adviser on the national campaign and was appointed by Reverend Jackson to chair and lead the California campaign. Mr. Speaker, I hear a lot said about Reverend Jackson. Most people knew him from television, radio, and his public speeches, but I was a close-up witness to Reverend Jackson's brilliant campaign strategies and developments. He used his voice and his organizing skills to create the beautiful Rainbow PUSH Coalition, long before there was any understanding or appreciation for diversity, equity, and inclusion. For all intents and purposes, Reverend Jackson made sure that the campaign that he headed included Latinos, Asians, Native Americans, Whites, women, LGBTQ, organized labor, and others. He brought together pastors, preachers, and multifaith leaders from all over the country. I recall his work and his outreach to small farmers in rural areas. Jesse Jackson went into areas in rural America where those who did not know him hated him and thought, for some reason, that he could be of no use to them. Once he got into those communities and started to work with the rural farmers, many of them were having their farms foreclosed on at that time, and Reverend Jackson learned a lot about how to talk with bankers about loan modifications so that those farmers could stay in business. Even today, there are farmers and their families who remember what Reverend Jackson did for them in these rural communities. It was an amazing kind of development and association that he made. He was responsible for cracking open the doors of America's corporate community and those in Silicon Valley. Reverend Jackson was also an international ambassador for peace. He used his tremendous influence to champion human rights. I worked with him in the Free South Africa movement, where he helped free Nelson Mandela and bring an end to apartheid in South Africa. We had a wonderful experience of attending the inauguration when Nelson Mandela became President of South Africa. Of course, Reverend Jackson helped to secure the release of U.S. hostages all around the world. The one that stands out to me is when he went to Syria and negotiated the release of U.S. Navy Lieutenant Robert Goodman, Jr. Reverend Jackson was an extraordinary human being and a true human rights advocate. I can recall when we went to public housing projects. In Los Angeles, he was at Nickerson Gardens housing projects, where the gangbangers and others met him for the first time. When he went to Nickerson Gardens, they were not believers. They didn't know an awful lot, and so they challenged him to stay overnight in public housing at Nickerson Gardens, and he did. Right now, when you go to Nickerson Gardens, some of those older members who remembered him from when he came to Nickerson Gardens will point to the unit where Reverend Jackson slept in Nickerson Gardens housing project, but that is not enough. You saw Congressman Cleo Fields here tonight. I want you to know that when Katrina happened, Reverend Jackson organized me and some others. We went to New Orleans, where Cleo Fields rented a bus. We got on that bus, and we traveled all over New Orleans. Why did we do that? It was because there were people who had been left on rooftops with no way to get down, and some of them were helped down by Reverend Jackson, Cleo Fields, and myself. Many of them had been dropped along the wayside, hoping that somebody would come and pick them up. I can recall when we went to the Louis Armstrong New Orleans International Airport, where there were people who were sitting there who had been dropped off because they had been helped to get off of a roof, but no one could help them any further. We put them in that bus, and we rode through all of New Orleans, particularly in the areas around Alexandria and other cities in the Louisiana area. We took them to State houses. We took them to rescue places. We took them to wherever we could find a place for them to sleep. Reverend Jackson was a huge political individual at that time, recognized all over the world for his advocacy for the least of these, helping to get people to understand that everybody was special and that everybody was important. He taught that message through his brilliant way of connecting: ``I am somebody.'' He made little young boys and girls, who really didn't think they were somebody, think, now that they met Reverend Jesse Jackson, that they were somebody. I want you to know that his humanitarianism was the likes of which I have never seen before. He truly cared about people. The Reverend Jesse Jackson was a religious man, and he prayed before meetings. He prayed after meetings. Even though, at the time that I started working with him, I did not know a lot about the power of prayer, but I learned that being on the road with him and how he cared about everybody, how he cared about the young and the old and the veterans and the imprisoned, on and on and on. He was truly an unusual human being, married to an unusual woman. His wife was not only, in her own right, a civil rights activist and leader, but she supported him in every way that she possibly could. The two of them raised five brilliant children, one of which who served in this House. That was Jesse Jackson, Jr. Today, we have the brilliant, young Jonathan Jackson who is serving. They come with the spirit of their daddy. I lived with the spirit of Reverend Jesse Jackson. It is in me, and so you can call it whatever you want to call it. You can call it progressive. You can call it liberal. You can call it whatever you want. In the final analysis, it is Reverend Jesse Jackson who changed so many lives, who helped people to understand that they did not stand alone, that he was there for them, speaking for them. Whether he was talking to kings and queens, or he was talking to the man on the block, we could count on Reverend Jesse Jackson. In the final analysis, Reverend Jackson more than earned his place in history. Rightfully so, his work will never be forgotten and will be taught in communities all over the world in places low and high, in our schools and universities. I will live the rest of my life with the memories that I will cherish for the time, the effort, and the phenomenal work that I experienced with the Reverend Jesse Jackson, Jr., Presidential candidate and civil rights leader. I am thankful for the opportunity to be here this evening, and I yield to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Kelly).

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, we have no further speakers at this moment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I am especially concerned about Iran's stockpile of enhanced uranium, which could be used at any time. I know that the President has said that the nuclear capability of Iran had been obliterated. However, prior to the first Trump administration, the U.S. was able to monitor the status of Iran's uranium under an agreement called the ``Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action,'' the JCPOA. The U.S. negotiated this agreement with Iran in 2015, but Trump withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018. Now, we have no way to track the status of Iran's dangerous uranium stockpile. This war must be stopped. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote for the resolution.

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise to speak on H.R. 5616, the $2.50 for America's 250th Act, sponsored by the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Aderholt). This legislation directs the Treasury Secretary to mint and issue a $2.50 collectible coin to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence later this year. Under this bill, the Treasury would also conduct a study to evaluate minting and issuing a separate $2.50 coin for wide circulation in the United States. For starters, I am glad this legislation now considers the cost- effectiveness of a potential $2.50 circulating coin. This is important, especially as President Trump's abrupt decision to stop production of the penny last year, without any meaningful plan, created problems that retailers, banks, and consumers are still dealing with today. This is the mess we are now forced to clean up. Additionally, to be clear, I was deeply concerned by the language in the introduced version of this legislation, which may have been interpreted by the Treasury Secretary to allow him to select a new design for a $2.50 coin. We are already witnessing how Secretary Bessent has exploited loopholes and ignored existing laws, resulting in the Treasury minting a $1 coin bearing Trump's image. The Treasury's decision to put Donald Trump's face, a living President, on our currency is illegal and reminiscent of a monarchy, which 250 years ago our country firmly rejected. I was happy to see that this bill makes it explicit that Trump's face cannot be on this collectible coin. Furthermore, as we speak of the ideals of the Declaration of Independence, we would be horribly remiss not to recognize the violence taking place in this country. Since taking office, the Trump administration has established a legacy of violence and cruelty. Trump's administration has empowered and unleashed brutal attacks against Latino, Black, and countless other communities. They have locked up children and killed innocent people without fear of consequences, and they celebrate this cruelty and unapologetically mock the victims. Therefore, as we attempt to commemorate the founding principles of this country, we must not turn a blind eye to the very real destruction that is taking place right here, right now. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from New Jersey (Mrs. Watson Coleman), who has put a lot of work into this as she serves as the co-chair of the America 250 Caucus and serves on the Semiquincentennial Commission.

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, this legislation gives us an opportunity to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence and the ideals and founding principles of our country, like the rule of law and separation of powers. Individual freedom, dignity, and equality are being ruthlessly undermined today by this administration. Mr. Speaker, I hope this Chamber's commitment to America's founding principles is not merely symbolic, somewhat like the coin, but will be represented in our commitment to protect these principles and exercise our responsibilities to democracy in the Constitution. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I thank Mrs. Watson Coleman for all of the work that she has put in on America250 Caucus. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 6644, the Housing for the 21st Century Act, sponsored by myself and, of course, by Representatives Hill, Cleaver, and Flood. Our housing and homelessness crisis has reached a breaking point, as millions of Americans each night struggle to find a decent, stable, and affordable place to live. The struggle has real faces of our children's teachers, working mothers, veterans, and, of course, children from all over the country. The struggle is in our rural towns, urban areas, and suburban neighborhoods across America. On any given night, 800,000 people are experiencing homelessness in the United States of America. Rents nationwide have soared by 47 percent, and home prices have skyrocketed 57 percent. Incomes haven't kept pace with these increases, which means housing eats up more and more of a family's paycheck. As the lead Democrat on the House Financial Services Committee, it has been my mission to fight to end this homelessness and housing crisis. The Housing for the 21st Century Act is a critical first step in that mission. Passed in Committee with overwhelming bipartisan support, H.R. 6644 sets the stage for building and preserving more affordable homes in our neighborhood. It makes many long overdue improvements to housing programs, expands local development opportunities, and broadens access to homeownership. H.R. 6644 also includes a dozen bipartisan provisions to help small banks like community development financial institutions, the CDFIs, and minority depository institutions, the MDIs. It helps meet the housing and other needs of our constituents. The bill also addresses concerns from the 2023 banking crisis that will now promote a safe, sound, and competitive banking system, one that doesn't threaten our housing markets or our economy. This package represents a historical, bipartisan agreement. I am proud that Mr. Hill and I, along with Mr. Flood and Mr. Cleaver, have been able to work together to prioritize the housing needs of millions of Americans and advance this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I also want to highlight House and committee Democrats who worked tirelessly with me on this package. H.R. 6644 includes 25 provisions that come directly from bills championed and introduced by House Democrats and another 16 provisions that House Democrats co-led. I am excited that it includes my bill, H.R. 5077, which would allow cities to use CDBG funds toward affordable housing construction. It also includes H.R. 6774, which would finally create a pilot program at the Federal Housing Administration to offer small-dollar mortgages. It includes my bill, H.R. 6773, which directs cities across America to finally publish a database of their unused land so that developers may be able to bid on it and build more housing. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased that it includes my bill, H.R. 4544, to encourage the formation of new banks including CDFIs and MDIs so that borrowers will have more options when they want to buy a home. While we come today to pass this initial bill, let me be clear that much more work is needed. We can't pass this bill, call it a night, and then claim that this affordable housing and homelessness crisis is over. A significant problem warrants a significant response, which means that we need significant Federal investments to solve this crisis. Mr. Speaker, I hope that this administration is watching today and learns something about true bipartisanship and getting things done for the American people. Our bill is the type of bipartisan work that is needed to tackle the crisis facing Americans. Among meaningless tweets, empty promises, costly tariffs, and ridiculous policies like the 50- year mortgage, while this affordability crisis rages on, Congress can act tonight to support Americans who are looking for real housing solutions. Mr. Speaker, that is why I urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today with great pride to introduce a resolution recognizing the 90th anniversary of the National Council of Negro Women, one of the most enduring and consequential organizations in the history of our country. Ninety years ago, the incomparable Mary McLeod Bethune founded the National Council of Negro Women with a singular purpose: to unite Black women's organizations and strengthen our collective power to make a better world. She believed deeply in the strength of organized womanhood and the necessity of Black women's leadership in shaping the future of this Nation. For generations, NCNW has carried that mission forward. It has stood at the forefront of movements for justice, equality, economic empowerment, and educational opportunity. It has been a training ground for advocates, a safe harbor for families, and a beacon of civic leadership. Mr. Speaker, it is impossible to speak of NCNW without honoring the extraordinary legacy of my dear friend, Dr. Dorothy Irene Height. For 42 years, Dr. Height served as President of NCNW and transformed it into a national powerhouse for civil and human rights. She was an advisor to presidents, a strategist for the movement, and a fierce defender of Black women's dignity and advancement. Dr. Height's vision gave birth to programs that continue to shape our communities today--most notably the Black Family Reunion, a national celebration of culture, unity, and intergenerational strength. This gathering has helped reinforce the bonds that hold families together and affirm the values that empower us to overcome the challenges Black people face in America. Today, under the leadership of Rev. Shavon Arline-Bradley, NCNW continues to grow its reach and impact. Its programs promote health equity, economic mobility, STEM education for girls, and community wellness. Its membership now represents more than two million women, spanning hundreds of community and collegiate sections and more than 330 affiliate organizations. And for decades, its headquarters on Pennsylvania Avenue has stood as a symbol of NCNW's enduring place in the civic landscape of Washington, D.C. The only Black-owned building on this historic avenue in our Nation's capital, it is a center of excellence, and a national treasure. Mr. Speaker, as NCNW marks 90 years of service, it is important that this Congress acknowledge its contributions to the Nation, honor the women who built its legacy, and celebrate the generations who continue to carry its mission forward. With this resolution, we recognize NCNW's historic work, its transformative leadership, and its unwavering commitment to strengthening Black families and communities. We honor the legacies of Mary McLeod Bethune and Dr. Dorothy Height, and we express our deep gratitude to Rev. Shavon Arline-Bradley and the millions of women who make NCNW a force for good in our country. I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this resolution and in celebrating the National Council of Negro Women on its 90th anniversary.

Ms. WATERS

Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.