Roger Wicker

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, for the Committee on Armed Services I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators .

Mrs. WICKER

Mrs. WICKER. Mr. President, I have four requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, we live in a dangerous time. There are a number of flash points all around the globe--in this hemisphere, in Europe, in the Indo-Pacific--but I want to remind my colleagues today that, still, the most dangerous thing going on around the world today is Vladimir Putin's war against freedom and the West in Ukraine. I would point out that for the past year, Vladimir Putin has mocked the Ukraine peace process by steadily escalating his attacks on his neighboring country. He has recently launched the biggest air attack the conflict has ever seen and shown repeatedly that he is not interested in peace talks. He gives lipservice to peace talks, but his acts show that he is not interested. Now, by contrast, in the last few weeks, the United States, Ukraine, and our European friends have come together on a common negotiating position centered on several key principles. Here are the key points: Ukraine should not be forced to give up the sovereign territory it deserves and it currently controls. Also, Putin should not achieve through negotiation what he has not managed to achieve on the battlefield, and there have been great disappointments to Putin on the battlefield. In addition, the United States should play a role in Ukraine's security guarantees on a permanent basis. The Senate should ratify these guarantees if they are ever agreed to. In the meantime, the Ukrainian people should be assisted in continuing to fight for their freedom. I commend President Trump, President Zelenskyy, and European leaders for continuing to come together to reach a consensus. As we seek a just end to this brutal, unprovoked war, I urge everyone in Washington, in Kyiv, and in the great capitals of Europe to remain united and to remember who we are dealing with in the form and person of Vladimir Putin. Vladimir Putin is unrepentant. He is ever and will always be the KGB agent. He is a dictator with decades of bloodshed on his hands. He is the biggest thief in the history of the world, a war criminal who should be behind bars at this moment. And, of course, Putin is a liar. When Vladimir Putin smiles to American negotiators, he acts as our friend and he acts as if we believe he is our friend. We have no reason to smile back at Vladimir Putin or trust him with anything but caution and contempt. After 4 years, Putin knows a Russian victory is not inevitable. More and more, the American people see and know this. A November poll found that 70 percent of Americans do not trust Putin to honor any peace agreement with Ukraine. He is cut from the same cloth as terrorists all over the world and terrorists down through history. In Putin's attack on civilians, for example, we see parallels with the Hamas terrorists who rampaged through Israeli neighborhoods on October 7. The terrorists are Putin's friends. And don't forget this, and sometimes it is not publicized as it ought to be: Putin has abducted 20,000 Ukrainian children and subjected many to brainwashing schemes. In these horrors, we see the likes of Xi Jinping and his Uighur reeducation camps. Putin routinely locks dissidents in jail, just like his kindred spirits in other censorship regimes. This tyrant who wants to be treated as a peer in the world's great halls of democracy should be known by the company he keeps. When the brutal Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad was toppled, thankfully, where did Bashar al-Assad run? He ran for safe haven to Moscow--that is where he went--to be under the protection of Vladimir Putin, who seeks to make us believe that he is an honest negotiator. Nicolas Maduro was wisely counseled to flee Venezuela. If he had run, where would he have run? He would have run straight to Moscow. For decades, Russia has been a friend to the murderous Cuban regime. And now, as the Supreme Leader in Iran considers his options, where might he go for refuge? The only place he could go is Moscow. So that is the company Vladimir Putin keeps in current day. But Putin even echoes the likes of Adolf Hitler. Putin routinely talks about ``liberating'' the Russian-speaking Ukrainians living in the Donbas and other areas of Ukraine. This is the same vile, absurd pretext that Adolf Hitler used when he invaded the German-speaking regions of neighboring countries in Europe, including Poland. That is who Vladimir Putin is. Regrettably, the people of Russia are led brutally by Putin, this world-historical villain. Ukrainians will continue fighting against his unprovoked attacks but not because they hate peace. The Ukrainians will continue to fight because their alternative is the extinction of their country. The West needs to stand with them. We need to stand with Ukraine, and we must keep assisting our friends. We need to send a clear message that Putin cannot wait us out. In December, I am grateful to say to my colleagues that Congress overwhelmingly passed and President Donald Trump enthusiastically signed the National Defense Authorization Act. That law extends Ukraine's Security Assistance Initiative and our commitment to sharing intelligence with Ukraine. Good for the President, and good for our friends in the House and Senate. Our allies across the Atlantic are taking the lead now, as my colleague from Kentucky just pointed out, in financing security assistance for Ukraine. NATO allies are buying equipment from us in the United States and giving it to Ukraine. I certainly applaud that, as all Americans should. The United States should increase the air defenses and long-range strike capabilities that we are sending to Kyiv. More than any other capabilities, these will help show Putin his military aims are not achievable. For nearly 4 years, Ukrainians have demonstrated their resolve, as they will continue to do. The West must continue to stand resolved with them. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, this week, we began a new year's work here in the Congress. But as we open this chapter, I have a bittersweet task of helping to close another. Beside me sits John Patrick Keast, my longtime adviser and friend. In a few short days, John will conclude nearly two decades of service to my office, to the people of Mississippi, and to the United States of America. The U.S. Senate and the people we represent are better off because of John Keast and his work. For years, John has been beside me, through hearings, briefings, and meetings, at campaigns and community events, and during negotiations, decisions, and celebrations. Through it all, he has been a wise and steady presence. So, for a few minutes today, I want to commend his remarkable record of service. More than 30 years ago, a very young but wise John Keast came to work for an upstart who was running to represent Mississippi's First Congressional District. I hired John Keast to be my campaign manager. As he would do time and time again, John rose to the challenge and then some. Not only did we win the election that year, but John began absorbing in encyclopedic detail the ins and outs of Mississippi. This knowledge enabled him to serve our people well. Name a town in the First Congressional District of Mississippi, and John can tell you where to find the precinct boxes. List a few local issues, and John could tell you what he has done to help alleviate problems there. It is fitting that John will soon be settling down in the First Congressional District of Mississippi in Oxford. I mentioned John's outstanding recall and knowledge because John would never do that. And it is that combination of intelligence and humility that has proven so dynamic. John often told me that he likes to hire staff who are smarter than he is. I can say that for myself. It is easier for me to find staff that are smarter than I am. It is a little bit difficult and a tall order for John. He has the command of the nitty-gritty and of the big picture. He can go toe-to-toe with the best of the policy wonks, but he also knows what he doesn't know. He understands when to defer to the experts. That self-awareness is just what you want in an adviser. When John and I got to Washington, we were determined to make a difference. It was 1994, the first Republican majority in the House in 40 years, the famous Republican Revolution. We were excited to fulfill our contract with America, as it was called. I remember it well, and so does John. We stayed in session for 93 days, managing to vote on every Contract with America item before the 100-day milestone. Somehow, I became president of the freshman class, and John was there every step of the way--brainstorming with me at Bullfeathers restaurant during new Member orientation, building an all-star team for the office, and advancing my priorities for north Mississippi. And what teams he has assembled over the years--there may be some of them in earshot of me today. That constitutes a network of John Keast friends and alumni, and they are accomplishing great things across this body, across this city, and in this country. I expect if we were to send each of them a pop quiz, most would be able to answer one question in particular, and that would be: What are the ``Four Ps of Success in Washington''? When John gives staffers guidance in DC, he tells them to focus on four areas. They should understand policy, process, politics, and people--policy, process, politics, and people, the four dynamics at work on Capitol Hill and in this city. John has earned every right to give his advice because he has been the embodiment of it. John is fluent in policy. John knows that we come to Washington to make good legislation and provide good oversight that benefits the American people. Name a portfolio, and John Keast has influenced it. In our days in the House, John was especially vital in my efforts to improve our energy resources, our roadways, and our national defense assets. Together, we fought to create jobs and commerce for hard- working Americans. The world has changed a lot in 30 years. We no longer use the IBM Selectric correcting typewriters my office inherited when John and I were setting up shop in the House. The world continues to evolve rapidly. John has shaped policy that has and will maintain American leadership through all this change. Nowhere is this truer than in his leadership of my Commerce Committee staff and my Armed Services Committee staff. It is difficult to summarize John's success as staff director on these committees. He fought for legislation that brought well over $1 billion in infrastructure and broadband funding to our State of Mississippi and across the country. His work on the CHIPS and Science Act, which I was proud to vote for, invested in the universities of America's heartland. Actions like these will help supercharge Mississippi's growth and development for decades, and you can say that for the entire heartland of our country. We have had lofty goals on the Senate Armed Services Committee. We are charging ahead on America's military rebuild and on transformational acquisition reform and working toward the success of the AUKUS partnership, and we are helping Ukraine and Taiwan stand up to tyrants. We are making great strides on each of these efforts. John Keast has been integral to every one. We had another lofty goal in the Armed Services Committee: to build a member-driven National Defense Authorization Act and work it through the Senate in regular order and in the light of day. It takes a master of Senate process to accomplish that goal, and John has done so. He can cite Senate rules by chapter and verse. He can anticipate and maneuver through this body's complicated idiosyncratic process. That knowledge bore fruit in countless backstage victories. But for one prominent example, take this year's success in the Senate NDAA. We saw a remarkably efficient markup followed by primetime--daylight--floor votes. Unusual in this body. John pairs his procedural dexterity with 20/20 political vision. He understands that political realities shape what any individual Member can accomplish in Congress. John knows when to push in a negotiation and when to make difficult compromises. And that must take place in this bipartisan body. He has earned trust on both sides of the aisle. Both my colleagues and his fellow staffers know John to be a man of his word. John understands these first three dynamics--policy, process, politics--because at the end of the day, he understands the final ``p''--people. John has formed strong relationships with the mayors, alderman, and city councilmen of north Mississippi, with industry leaders and entrepreneurs across the Nation, with lawmakers, Hill staff, administration officials, and most personally with all those fortunate enough to have worked with him on Team Wicker. His team members have been devoted and for good reason. John knows how to nurture talent. He takes time to show staff their skills and inspire them to greater heights. He sets a high bar and expects his team to meet it. When he hires someone, he gets out of the way and lets them excel. Those people skills have paid off. The policy results speak for themselves--the 30 years of policy results. But so does the outpouring of support John has received since announcing his departure. Many are here now and will be at future celebrations to honor him. As I speak about John today, I do not speak only for myself. My wife Gayle and I both will always be grateful for John Keast. My children will be grateful for the influence of John Keast. At so many pivotal moments, he has been a trusted and faithful friend, as well as a public servant. I know he will remain so. We look forward to seeing him often in Mississippi--I mentioned in Oxford, where he will reunite with his wife Virginia and their children Patrick, Grace, and Anna Kate. Until then, we remain and always will be grateful for this hero of public service, this great American patriot, John Keast. I yield the floor.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. Madam President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Cristina Sandstedt, a Coast Guard fellow in my office, be granted floor privileges until December 19, 2025.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. WICKER. Our colleagues in the House of Representatives have passed this year's National Defense Authorization Act, and we are about to follow suit. This will be the 65th year in a row--the 65th consecutive year--that Congress has come together across the aisle and across two Chambers to send the President a bill designed to sustain and strengthen the national defense. Everyone in this Senate played a role. I want to thank all 99 of my colleagues. First among them, I thank Jack Reed, the ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, who has been a steadfast partner. I also express my gratitude to the other distinguished members of the committee from both sides of the aisle who worked hard to shape this legislation. In July, the Senate Armed Services Committee approved the committee version of the bill on a vote of 26 to 1. The bill at that time contained 985 items formulated by our fellow Members. Over the next few months, we continued working across this body to add amendments. Our September substitute amendment had 20 Republican, 20 Democrat, and 9 bipartisan amendments. The second managers' package was similarly bipartisan. In October, we considered the NDAA amid stark partisan divide during the longest Federal shutdown in the history of our Republic. Nevertheless, during that shutdown, this body came together to pass this very important legislation. We debated amendments, and we improved on the bill, and we approved it. We passed the NDAA after 14 rollcall votes and 9 voice votes. For once, we did it in prime time, finishing around 9 p.m. It cleared this Chamber by a vote of 77 to 20. We sent a strong bill to the House of Representatives, and it had the clear backing of a huge majority of this body. Now that negotiations between Chambers have concluded, we have a bill that provides for the common defense, as the Constitution requires. This NDAA helps us align the priorities of the U.S. military with the threats of today, and they are serious--serious threats from the People's Republic of China and the entire axis of aggressors that it leads and partners with. It makes warfighting a top priority of the Department, and it reinforces a culture of merit in the Armed Forces. Servicemembers will receive a 3.8-percent pay raise. We expanded initiatives that will reinforce President Trump's recruiting surge, and we supercharged our efforts to rebuild the American defense industrial base. Let me talk about that for a moment. This legislation reforms decades of bureaucratic inefficiency in the Pentagon's acquisition process. It contains numerous elements of my bill, the Fostering Reform and Government Efficiency in Defense Act, more easily known as the FORGED Act. We are about to pass and the President will enthusiastically sign the most sweeping upgrades to DOD's business practices in 60 years. This is a monumental achievement. The 21st century poses threats that will require the most creative and innovative defenses. Americans are already building the technology to meet those threats, and these reforms will help the Pentagon tap into that energetic innovation ecosystem. Secretary Hegseth and his staff have been strong partners in these efforts as we seek to implement our shared peace through strength agenda with President Trump. Our reforms, plus our increased defense investments, will enable us to achieve that vision. Through this bill, we will continue revitalizing the defense industrial base--an absolute requirement during these dangerous times. I am thankful to all of my colleagues for putting in the work to make this bill good for our servicemembers and for national security. It succeeds because it is driven by Members across this body. I am, as I said, especially grateful to the ranking member, Jack Reed. He is himself a distinguished veteran, a patriot, a statesman, and a great partner in this work. I would also be remiss if I did not mention the staunch partnership we have with our House counterparts: Chairman Mike Rogers and Ranking Member Adam Smith. That goes, too, for the many other committee chairs and ranking members who worked so hard all year to include crucial legislation in this National Defense Authorization Act. Speaking of great partners, I want to specifically thank my soon-to- be-retired staff director John Keast. John has been with me for the better part of three decades now--since I first ran for Congress in 1994. He will be retiring from the Senate in January to return to Mississippi, where his family lives, and to pursue new opportunities. This bill, this 65th NDAA in a row, would not have been possible without John Keast. His work ethic, his sound advice, and his partnership with his Democrat counterpart Liz King--all were essential. We could not have achieved this bill without his tireless leadership. I want to thank him and the rest of my staff who have labored long days and nights and weekends--Saturdays and Sundays--to get this legislation done. They include Adam Barker, Kristina Belcourt, Jonathan Bowen, Leah Brewer, Levi Brunt, Luke Chaney, Glen Diehl, Cody Emerson, Marty Fromuth, Megan Galindo, Mike Gerhart, Anna Given, Meredith Gravatte, Madeline Guenther, Isaac Jalkanen, Lauren Johnson, Katie Karam, Greg Lilly, Eric Lofgren, Katie Magnus, Jonathan Moore, Katie Stanton, Sophie Schloegel, Mike Tokar, Eric Trager, Adam Trull, Mike Urena, Dave Vasquez, Christina Sandstedt--who has been give privileges of the floor this very day--Julia Wood, Terry Miller, Emily Yetter, Dan Hillenbrand, Beth Spivey, Brendan Gavin, Brad Patout, Rick Berger, and, as I said before, my adviser and personal friend John Keast. That is a lot of names and a lot of effort and a lot of talent. That is just the members on my side of the aisle. I thank them all, and I thank this Senate and our friends in the House for coming together in the spirit of patriotism and comity to get this very important quantum leap in our defense accomplished. With that said, let's begin the vote and take the next step to rebuild America's national defense. Motion Withdrawn Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw the motion to concur with the Senate amendment No. 3961.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, for the Committee on Armed Services I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. After consulting with both sides of the aisle, I ask unanimous consent that the previously scheduled rollcall vote commence immediately.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, I also rise to commend my new colleague of less than a year on his maiden speech, and I rise as the senior-most Republican on the floor at this time to congratulate him on behalf of my colleagues on the Republican side. Andy Kim is going to cast votes that will be considered way further to the left than those that I will cast. There will be ratings that will rate him 100 percent and probably give me a zero, and on the conservative ratings, it will be close to the same in the other direction. But having watched him, having listened to him, having attended Senate Prayer Breakfasts with Andy Kim over the past few months, I know that he is someone whose heart is good and who will work with every Senator and every Member of the House to advance this Nation. I am glad that Senator Andy Kim mentioned ``E pluribus unum,'' and I have learned a history lesson. I had never gone back to Cicero, but I found it interesting that Senator Kim went back and found that the verb there that allowed many to become one was ``love'' in the view of Cicero. And it reminded me of perhaps a passage that he might have heard or read from the New Testament in some of our Prayer Breakfasts, and that is when Jesus of Nazareth was asked by the experts, what was the greatest commandment? And Jesus answered: You should love your God with all your heart and soul and might; this is the first and great commandment. But the second is alike unto it. The second greatest commandment is just like it, and that is ``love your neighbor.'' And what that means to me, as someone who has been a Christian since my early days in grade school, is that in order to show that you actually love God, you must love your neighbor, and so I appreciate what we have learned from the New Testament and Cicero, which brings us to the great importance of working toward a more perfect Union. We will never have a perfect Union in this world, but out of many we can become one. And it is the kind of rhetoric and the kind of leadership that we have heard from our young colleague today that makes me more and more optimistic about that. And so I commend my friend and my colleague, and I look forward to working with him in the coming years. I yield the floor.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, for the Committee on Armed Services I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, for the Committee on Armed Services I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the RECORDS on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators .

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, I am delighted that this body has passed the 2026 National Defense Authorization Act with such an overwhelming vote. At the outset, let me thank the dozens of staff members who have made this possible--and I know that my friend and colleague the ranking member will also express his appreciation to a very hard-working and capable and intelligent list. But let me name my staff, specifically, and it is going to take a while to thank them all: Adam Barker, Kristina Belcourt, Levi Brunt, Cody Emerson, ``Marty'' Fromuth, Megan Galindo, Isaac Jalkanen, Lauren Johnson, Katie Karam, Greg Lilly, Eric Lofgren, Katie Magnus, Jonathan Moore, Katie Romaine, Mike Tokar, Eric Trager, Adam Trull, Mike Urena, Dave Vasquez, Terry Miller, Emily Yetter, Dan Hillenbrand, Beth Spivey, Ryan Bates, Jonathan Bowen, Leah Brewer, Luke Chaney, Mike Gerhart, Anna Given, Meredith Gravatte, Madeline Guenther, Brad Patout, Rick Berger, Brendan Gavin, and John Keast. And it is possible that I have left some out, but I really do owe a debt of gratitude--and so does my friend Senator Reed--to both staffs on both sides of the aisle for all of the technical work and advice in making this work. I would remind those listening that this bill passed a committee 26 to 1. That was an overwhelming positive and speedy passage. It is designed to send a clear message. We agree that we are not where we need to be, and this bill helps us close the gap, and it does so by focusing on two themes: rebuilding but also reforming. And we really need the ``reform'' part. This bill includes $924.7 billion as a top line. This is an increase, and it is needed. It recognizes the urgent need to rebuild our military systems, technologies, and hardware. We also adopted the most significant acquisition reform proposal in decades. And let me give Members one example of this. In just a single provision of the bill that we have now passed, we repeal 86 outdated or unnecessary acquisition policies. American innovators are developing the technologies that can dominate the battlefields of the 21st century. The FoRGED proposal in this National Defense Authorization Act taps into that talent. This bill was Member-driven, both in the committee and on the floor. Our committee approved 985 items that were led by individual Senators in this body. Our September substitute amendment contained 49 amendments--20 from Republicans, 20 from Democrats, and 9 that were bipartisan. The second managers' package was included today, including another 47 amendments-- again, bipartisan. And today we took 14 rollcall votes, and because we are so united and joined together to make a strong voice for national defense, we took 9 voice votes. I don't know when we have done that, but I think it sends a strong message, and I hope it does. Altogether, 1,098 Member items. This is what collaborative, bipartisan legislation looks like. And in highly charged partisan times, this ought to be refreshing news to the American people. My friend Jack Reed is a veteran of military service, and he is a veteran of this Congress and is a capable partner who works shoulder to shoulder with me on the Armed Services Committee. I want to thank him from the bottom of my heart for his cooperation and diligence in actually getting this bill brought to the floor. The fact that we were able to finish about 9 o'clock tonight is a testament to that because earlier today, we really did not know around noon if we would be able to come to a consensus. So much negotiation and so much give-and-take has taken place so that we could get on the floor and make a strong statement and send a strong message. It amplifies the voices of Senators in this body as we begin to conference with our House colleagues. We are not where we need to be. This doesn't get us everywhere we need to be, but it moves us along the way toward reform and an increase in a realization that we live in the most dangerous world that we have seen in decades. So I yield the floor with gratitude and thanks to my friend.

Mr. WICKER

Mr. WICKER. Madam President, on the en bloc, I suggest a voice vote.

Mr. WICKER. Madam President, I call up the amendments en bloc as provided by the previous order.

Mr. WICKER. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. WICKER. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. WICKER. Madam President, I intend to vote against this. I think keeping this AUMF actually would help us assure continued success. I think I see how the wind is blowing, and I will consent to a voice vote. Understanding that that is the sentiment of the body, I ask unanimous consent to vitiate the 60-vote threshold in relation to amendment No. 3337.

Mr. WICKER. Madam President, I commend Senator Hagerty and Senator Peters, who is not on the floor right now, but I also commend him for his leadership on this amendment, which should pass overwhelmingly. I ask unanimous consent to vitiate the 60-vote threshold in relation to the Hagerty-Peters amendment No. 3841.

Mr. WICKER. Madam President, this is an extremely important amendment which will protect America's interests, and I ask unanimous consent to vitiate the 60-vote threshold in relation to the amendment, Cornyn- Cortez Masto No. 3926.

Mr. WICKER. Madam President, this amendment has widespread support. I ask unanimous consent to vitiate the 60-vote threshold in relation to the Lee-Duckworth amendment No. 3288.

Mr. WICKER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to vitiate the 60-vote threshold in relation to the Moran amendment No. 3814.