Frank Wolf

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to draw the attention of the House to a noble couple on the occasion of the dedication of the Jack and Carter Hardesty Bridge in Clarke County, VA. The Hardestys have been a vital part of the Clarke County community for over half a century, and now their name will be honored and associated with the bridge over U.S. Route 340 which crosses the Norfolk Southern Railroad line about a mile from the West Virginia border. State Senator Russ Potts sponsored the legislation in the Virginia General Assembly to dedicate the bridge in their name. I was honored to join him; Virginia Governor Mark Warner; the Honorable Al Smith, former member of the Virginia House of Delegates; the Honorable Jack Marsh, former Virginia Congressman and former Secretary of the Army; members of the Hardesty family and their friends and neighbors at the dedication ceremony and unveiling of the bridge marker on October 4. The Clarke County High School Band and school Concert Choir provided music for the event. Carter, who passed away last year, was a special woman. She sent literally hundreds of cards each year to county residents that she personally picked out and wrote notes in for every occasion. These cards were often just pick-me-ups for friends that were down. Apparently, even a flat tire didn't escape her notice. The cards she sent made her an irreplaceable part of the community that is dearly missed. Carter was also an active member of the Crums United Methodist Church. She spent 25 years teaching numerous Sunday school classes. Pastor Sandra Stamey of Crums UMC gave the invocation at the dedication ceremony. However, I remember Carter best for her service at the Lord's Acre Booth at the Clarke County Fair. She was cochairman of the booth. Carter was only one half of this dynamic duo. A dairy farmer by profession, Jack has served Clarke County as a member of the board of supervisors and his long list of community, civic, and public service activities is unparalleled. We all share with him and his family in the grief of Carter's loss. She left a great legacy behind for the husband and family and community that she dearly loved. I want to share with our colleagues an article about the dedication ceremony from The Winchester Star. [From the Winchester Star, Oct. 5, 2004] Ceremony Celebrates Hardesty Influence (By Jessica Sabbath) Berryville.--Gov. Mark R. Warner visited Clarke County Monday to honor a husband known for his lifelong service to the county and a wife known for her heartfelt cards. More than 200 people joined the governor, area politicians, and the extended Hardesty family at the dedication of a county bridge to John D. ``Jack'' Hardesty and his late wife, Carter. The bridge, on U.S. 340, crosses over the Norfolk Southern Railroad line about a mile from the West Virginia border. The couple is part of eight generations of Hardestys that have been prominent in the county. Speakers praised the couple for the couple's commitment to faith, family, and the county. ``Jack Hardesty and his family represent not only the best of public service, but the best of what it means to be a Virginian,'' Warner said against the backdrop of rolling green hills. The ceremony was held at Oakland Orchard by state Sen. H. Russell Potts Jr., R-Winchester, and the Virginia Department of Transportation. It wasn't the first time a Hardesty family ceremony brought the governor to Clarke County. In March 2002, Warner declared Virginia Agriculture Week at Harvue Farms, the dairy farm Jack Hardesty and his father established in 1949. Jack Hardesty served on the county Board of Supervisors for 30 years, and was its chairman for 18 years. He was named ``Dairyman of the Year'' in 1992 and has been president of the Maryland-Virginia Milk Producers Association for the past five years. He served five gubernatorial appointments and has been on the board of the Bank of Clarke County for 40 years. Carter Hardesty, who died last October, was known as the ``Card Lady'' of Clarke County. She sent out between 15 and 20 cards each week to county residents for just about any occasion. During the ceremony, Potts, who sponsored the legislation in the Virginia General Assembly to dedicate the bridge, held up a stack of cards he had received from Carter Hardesty. ``She would even send a card out when somebody's car broke down,'' Potts said. Carter Hardesty taught Sunday School at Crums United Methodist Church for 25 years. She was the co-chair of the Lord's Acre booth in the Clarke County Fair for 35 years. U.S. Rep. Frank R. Wolf, R-10th, praised the couple's service to the county and family. ``They have played a vital part of this community in a unique way,'' Wolf said, adding he hopes future generations of Hardestys would carry on the tradition. Danny Hardesty, grandson of Jack Hardesty and a senior at Clarke County High School, said the ceremony and his grandfather's service had done just that. ``He laid down the roadwork for us all to follow,'' Danny said. The governor made a late, but rather striking entrance. A few minutes into the ceremony, a helicopter carrying the governor approached while the Clarke County High School Band played ``The Star Spangled Banner.'' A mix-up in the location of the helicopter caused the governor to make a last-minute sprint to Richmond International Airport to catch a flight into Winchester. There, Warner jumped on the helicopter that flew him into Clarke. ``I was not trying to interfere with the band's wonderful rendition,'' Warner said at the dedication. ``Neither sleet, nor rain, nor snow, nor hail nor misplaced helicopter could keep me away.'' Warner recalled receiving a card from Carter Hardesty when he began his term and found the state's budget in worse-than-expected shape. `` `Don't worry, Mark,' '' Warner recalled the card saying. `` `You'll get through it all right.' '' Potts, Wolf, former Del. Alson H. Smith Jr., former Congressman and former Secretary of the U.S. Army John O. Marsh all spoke at the event, held on a warm and sunny fall day. ``My wife arranged the weather,'' Jack Hardesty told the crowd. ``I know Carter's looking down and enjoying this.'' During an emotional high point of the ceremony, tears welled in the eyes of the family and many members of the audience as Alexandra Masters, a junior at Clarke County High School, sang pop singer Sarah McLachlan's ``Angel.'' The Hardesty family stood with politicians as Warner and Jack Hardesty unveiled a green highway sign that read ``Jack and Carter Hardesty Bridge.'' Potts said it would be fitting that after crossing over the Virginia border, people would first see the bridge. ``The bridge that represents that `Highway to Heaven' that the Hardestys tried to make Clarke County,'' Potts said.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 5061 and urge all members to vote for this important legislation. I would like to thank Representative Tom Tancredo for introducing this important legislation. I would also like to thank Chairman Hyde and Congressman Lantos and their staffs for moving this legislation swiftly through committee. This legislation could not be more timely. Stories and pictures of horrific abuse and suffering in the Darfur region of Sudan are now on our nightly news. Newspapers are running daily stories. I visited Sudan in July and witnessed with my own eyes the horrific conditions. The world has now awakened to this nightmare and we must do everything in our power to try to stop it. We must not forget that the conflict in Darfur has been occurring for the last year and a half but that there also has been an ongoing war for the last 20 years between the Government of Sudan and the mostly Christian South. Millions of lives have been lost. Millions more are shattered and scarred forever. Sudan has suffered from war crimes and unspeakable human rights abuses. One country, one group of people, should not have to endure so much suffering. Sudan is not alone. Africa has seen enormous suffering this past decade from the butchery that took place in Sierra Leone to the genocide in Rwanda. We must learn from the past, learn from the mistakes of our own inaction, and mobilize to try to save lives. Some 50,000 people are already dead in Darfur and more than a million more are at risk. The world must act now. The United States took a bold move under the leadership of Secretary of State Powell by calling what is occurring in Sudan what it is--a genocide. Unfortunately the international community has been slow to respond. H.R. 5061 is based on the fact that genocide is now occurring in Darfur and that the Government of Sudan is complicit in this genocide. Significant pressure must be placed on the Government of Sudan to both end the genocide and finalize a comprehensive peace agreement with the South. Only then will the innocent civilians, who have suffered for so long, be able to begin rebuilding their lives. This bill immediately imposes sanctions on the Government of Sudan. I think this is sound policy. We are dealing with a government that is committing genocide against its own people, therefore we need to use every possible tool to apply pressure so that it will stop. H.R. 5061 also outlines multilateral actions to press U.N. countries to apply additional pressure on Sudan, and most importantly provides much-needed humanitarian aid to Darfur and humanitarian and development aid to alleviate suffering in the South. We are beyond the point of merely warning the Government of Sudan with punitive measures. We must now take action. The world is watching and rogue regimes in other nations who have the ability to do this to their own people are watching how we respond. Our response to genocide must be firm. The world will look back on Darfur in 10 years and know that the United States stood firm and the United States stood with the people of Darfur. I call on every member of Congress to vote in favor of this important legislation. We must send a strong message to the Government of Sudan that the United States will not sit by while they commit genocide.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I rise today as a co-sponsor and in strong support for this legislation offered by Representative Murphy. I have often heard from my constitutents who are federal employees that while they are pleased with their health benefits, they are frustrated that coverage for dental and vision are lacking. This legislation would change this, by making dental and vision benefits available to federal employees. It is necessary to make sure that our federal employees have access to these two vital benefits. Dental and vision related expenses can be very costly. Today we have the chance to help our federal employees, who serve their nation everyday, manage these expenses. Additionally, this bill would require the Office of Personnel Management to report to Congress about making benefits available for hearing aids and services. In order to recruit and retain federal employees, it is necessary to provide them with a first class health care system. Many health plans for employees in the private sector include dental, vision, and hearing coverage. This bill will help federal employees enjoy a health care system that is on par with the private sector. This bill is important to improve and expand the current health care available to federal employees, and will send an important signal that Congress and the American people continue to value the hard work and the health of those serving our government. The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, was read the third time, and passed, and a motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Madam Speaker, I strongly support H.R. 4011, the North Korean Human Rights Act of 2004, and urge all members to support this important legislation. The leadership of the North Korean government has proven to be volatile and unpredictable with a tight rein on a very closed, repressed society. The North Korean government is one of the worse abusers of human rights in the world. Freedom of religion does not exist and the government controls all information, expression, and access to media. Despite international aid efforts, it is estimated that 2 million North Koreans have died of starvation in the last 10 years. One out of every ten children is malnourished. There are an estimated 200,000 political prisoners in camps. Prisoners are often used as slave labor and conditions in these camps are extremely harsh. Many prisoners die from disease, starvation, beatings, and torture. In 2002 a former female political prisoner, who testified before Congress about the conditions in these camps described: kneeling Christians in a prison camp having molten steel poured over them by guards because they would not recant their faith; prisoners quarantined into small rooms because of illness and then being forced to lay on top of each other such that all of those underneath were suffocated and died; prisoners used as lab experiments; and numerous executions. The list of horrendous conditions goes on. The North Korea Human Rights Act reaffirms that human rights in North Korea should remain a key concern in future dialogue and conditions direct aid to North Korea upon substantial improvements in transparency and accountability. I call on every member of Congress to vote in favor of this important legislation. We must send a strong message to Kim Jong Il that the world will not sit by while his government systemically abuses its citizens.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support H. Res. 768, calling on the United Nations Security Council to immediately consider a resolution on Burma. I urge all members to support this important legislation. Burma's military regime is one of the worst governments in the world. There is a complete lack of freedom of speech, religion, press, and basic human rights. They should be treated as a pariah in the international community. Burma's ruling military uses forced labor, rape, torture, and imprisonment as a means to quiet opposition and suppress the Burmese people. Innocent women and children are often used as minesweepers and the government continues to commit numerous other gross human rights violations against ethnic minorities. This abuse of the innocent people of Burma must end. Hundreds of thousands of civilians have fled into other countries to seek safety. In Thailand, border towns are packed with refugees forced to live their lives in camps or illegally as migrant workers. Conditions are rough and tensions run high. Sadly, the situation in Burma continues to worsen. Just last week there were two reports of attacks on Karen and Karenni villages where unknown numbers of villagers were killed. Homes, schools and clinics were burned. Civilians are forced to flee into the jungle to avoid attack. Attacks are common with the typical village moving every 3 months to avoid attacks. Cut off from humanitarian aid, thousands of people are trapped in the jungle, constantly moving to avoid attacks. After attacks, it is common for the military to lay landmines throughout the villages to try to deter the villagers from ever returning. We must not forget that while Burma continues to commit unspeakable abuses against its people, its democratically elected leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, remains under house arrest and the desire for democracy runs strong among the people of Burma. We must send a clear signal to the government of Burma that no amount of repression will legitimize their government. They must immediately release Aung San Suu Kyi, all political prisoners, cease attacking ethnic minorities, and allow true democracy and freedom to flourish in Burma. I urge every Member to vote in support of this important legislation. We must send a strong message to the Government of Burma that the United States stands with the people of Burma and their quest for democracy.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support H. Con. Res. 304, expressing the sense of Congress regarding oppression by the Government of China against the Falun Gong in the United States and in China. I urge all members of Congress to support this important legislation. The United States must stand up for basic decency and human rights and for men and women who are being persecuted on account of their religious or political beliefs. As a congress, our policy must be a policy that helps promote human rights and freedom, not a policy that sides with dictators who oppress their own citizens. H. Con. Res. 304 calls on the Government of China to stop the harassment of Falun Gong practitioners in the United States, calls for the immediate release from detention of all prisoners of conscience, and calls on the Attorney General to investigate reports that Chinese officials in the United States have committed illegal acts while attempting to intimidate Falun Gong practitioners. Those who are persecuted for their religious or political beliefs around the world are encouraged when the United States speaks out on their behalf. America must be true to its founders and continue to stand up for basic decency and human rights. Thomas Jefferson said the God who gave us life, gave us liberty. Every man and woman--with inalienable rights. Those are the rights, not just for those who are blessed to be Americans, but for every man, woman and child in this world. I call on every member of Congress to vote in favor of this important resolution.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend and Virginia colleague, Chairman Goodlatte for recognizing the importance of this resolution. The resolution recognizes organizations such as America's Second Harvest that provide emergency food assistance to hungry people in the United States, and encourages all Americans to provide volunteer services and other support for local anti-hunger advocacy efforts and hunger relief charities, including food banks, food rescue organizations, food pantries, soup kitchens, and emergency shelters. I hope it will help draw attention to the problem of hunger in America today. I have mixed emotions today--proud of the armies of compassion that are represented by organizations such as America's Second Harvest and sad because its been 40 years since President Johnson declared war on poverty and hunger . . . and yet, today, 13 million kids still live in households that do not have an adequate supply of food. I am pleased that the House is considering this resolution which will help draw attention to this silent tragedy. In Matthew 25, Jesus talks about the obligation to feed the hungry. In a world, and especially a nation, as plentiful as ours--it is tragic that even one child faces food insecurity. My state of Virginia is better off than many states. We are below the national average poverty rate of 11.6 percent. We have fewer people who don't have food--7.6 percent versus the national average of 10.4 percent. Yet, hunger is still here. Substantial progress has been made to feed the hungry in the United States, yet too many Americans still go to bed hungry and feel the effects of food deprivation. Federal programs like the Food Stamp Program, child nutrition programs, and food donation programs, provide essential nutritional support to millions of low-income people, but the need remains. Thankfully, community- and faith-based institutions are providing assistance to hungry people across the country. The armies of compassion are working hard, but we each must do our part to join in and support them. We need to eliminate the barriers that many businesses must overcome when they decide to do the morally conscionable thing and donate their surplus goods. It's outrageous that it is more ``cost effective'' for a business to throw out or destroy surplus food rather than donate it to a local soup kitchen. I hope that in the midst of the facts and statistics, no one misses the point of this resolution--that in a land of plenty, 13 million children still go to bed hungry. A country which is as blessed as ours needs to do better.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for the time. I just wanted to speak on another issue, if I can just for a minute. An earlier speaker mentioned the FBI and funding, and I just wanted to make sure the record, since the Congressional Record is supposed to be a factual document, to let the Members know on both sides, since September 11, 2001, the Committee on Appropriations has supported the FBI's transformation, increasing the FBI's budget nearly 50 percent from $3.1 billion in fiscal year 2000 to $4.6 billion in fiscal year 2004. These funding increases have allowed the FBI to increase the number of Joint Terrorism Task Forces to 100; create the Office of Intelligence; create the Terrorist Threat Integration Center, which the administration has done with FBI, CIA, Homeland Security, who meet together every day; the Foreign Terrorist Tracking Task Force; and the Terrorist Screening Center; hire thousands of new agents and analysts and support staff, including 620 additional linguists; create new training programs for agents and analysts; and upgrade the technology capabilities. We have National Academy of Public Administration looking at the reformation of the FBI. The General Accounting Office, the Congressional Research Service, and the 9/11 Commission in its report referenced the work of the House Committee on Appropriations. It must have been a misunderstanding, but I just want the Members to know that, as we look in the record, this Congress, both sides, and this administration have increased the FBI budget by dramatic numbers.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure today to recognize my constituent, Mr. Donald R. Manual, of Herndon, Virginia, on the occasion of his retirement after almost four decades of service to the United States Army. Mr. Manuel received his commission as a second lieutenant, Field Artillery, in 1964 and quickly demonstrated expertise during his service at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, and the U.S. Army Engineer Supply Center in St. Louis, Missouri. In 1968, Mr. Manuel began his career as a United States Army civilian employee as program manager for Value Engineering, Methods and Standards, and Commercial Activities. In 1980, he obtained the position of assistant for General Engineering in the Office of the Assistant Secretary of the Army (Installations and Housing). Mr. Manuel has become the Army's primary policy contact dealing with base closure and realignment actions. Throughout his career, Mr. Manuel has provided outstanding leadership, advice and sound professional judgment on significant issues before Congress and the Army. His counsel was invaluable to Army leaders and members of Congress as policy implications were considered. It is my pleasure to honor Mr. Manuel's distinguished record of public service and dedication to the United States Army. He has been a truly exceptional career civil servant and will be missed by the United States Army.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I rise today as a co-sponsor and in strong support of H.R. 5133, legislation to designate a United States Postal Service facility in Reston, Virginia, as the Martha Pennino Post Office. Martha Pennino, known as ``Mother Fairfax,'' passed away on September 17. She was a leader in Fairfax County, and was instrumental in helping the county achieve the success it enjoys today. She served from 1968 to 1991 on the Fairfax Board of Supervisors, and served as the board's vice chairman for 17 years. Under her leadership, Reston became a successful developed community, and several important projects, including the Dulles Toll Road, South Lakes High School, and the Reston Regional Library, were undertaken. It is Martha Pennino's dedication to those in Fairfax County with the least that will also be remembered. She was committed to the poor in the community, often opening her office at night to allow the homeless to rest their heads in a warm, safe place. Under her leadership, a homeless shelter was opened in her district, and she was an advocate for low-cost housing in Fairfax County, to help ensure that as the county grew, its poorest residents would not be left out of the county's progress. Martha Pennino's desire for Fairfax County to be an inclusive community is also reflected in her work to help establish the Fairfax County Human Rights Commission. Martha Pennino wanted everyone in Fairfax County to feel that they truly belonged to Fairfax County. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to support H.R. 5133, and proud to commemorate the life of Martha Pennino, an outstanding leader in Fairfax County, and a tireless advocate for those in need.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I would like to call to the attention of the House the passing of W. Harrington Smith, Jr. A longtime public servant, Mr. Smith spent 18 years on the Frederick County Board of Supervisors. I had the pleasure of working with Mr. Smith during this time as he represented the Shawnee district. It was an honor to have known Harrington Smith, who worked hard and impacted many lives during his service in Frederick County, Virginia. My condolences go out to his family, friends, and colleagues as they mourn the loss of this great man. I would also like to share a recent article from The Winchester Star which commemorates his life and work. [From The Winchester Star, Aug. 10, 2004] Frederick County Supervisor Harrington Smith Dies (By Laura Arenschield) One of Frederick County's ``old buddies'' died on Monday afternoon, leaving a trail of jokes, doting friends, and ``Bone-a-lopes'' behind him. W. Harrington Smith Jr.. 78, who spent 18 years on the Frederick County Board of Supervisors, died in Winchester Medical Center two weeks after undergoing surgery for a stomach aneurysm. Smith served on the board from 1988 until his death, representing the Shawnee District. He was known for his ``Bone-a-lopes''--trips around the area to talk with the people he represented. He went to find their problems, and to fix them, and to make people feel comfortable with a grin, a pat on the back, and a ``hey, old buddy, hey old friend'' for a greeting, To hear his friends and family tell it, Smith was a friendly, outgoing man who never ran out of time for the people who voted him into office. ``If somebody needed help with a traffic light or a pothole or barking dogs, he would go out and visit them,'' his son, Harry Smith, said on Monday afternoon. ``He would be able to get things done for people.'' Harry said his father died ``just peacefully, and calmly, and in his own way.'' With a nostalgic laugh, he told of his father's intricate jokes: ``They are so long and complex that I--unfortunately, one of the things I had intended to do and never was able to do was to memorize those jokes. And I wish that I had.'' In addition to a list of complex jokes only Harrington could remember, the veteran supervisor left a family that included his wife, Barbara Armistead Smith; sons Harry and Michael Smith and Drury Armistead; daughter Beth; and nine grandchildren ranging in age from 5 to 23. ``He had a phenomenal memory for jokes,'' Dick Kern, an old friend and Harrington's former employer, said on Monday. ``His favorite saying was `God love you.' And he said that all the time.'' Kern stifled a chuckle before describing a man fond of parties and a good time. ``He loved a good rum drink,'' Kern said. ``He enjoyed drinking and relaxing and I did, too. So we were great partners.'' Party animal or not, Harrington ``Smitty'' Smith took care of his constituents, Kern said. ``If anybody called him on a road or a fence or any kind of problem, he made it a point to go out and check it himself and take care of the problem,'' said Kern, a former Winchester City Council member. ``And I guess that was another thing I liked about him . . . he was honest and you could rely on him, and you knew he would be there. ``He was a heck of a guy.'' Harrington's wife, Barbara, said her husband would do just about anything for just about anybody. In fact, that's how they met. ``Harrington was part of a 1ocal rescue squad bringing a psychiatric patient to the old Cork Street hospital emergency room,'' she said. ``And the patient jumped out the back towards these two women and Harrington tackled him, and the guy wound around and kicked him in the neck.'' Barbara had just come to the hospital as a physical therapist. Harrington became her patient. ``Yeah, I cured him, so he married me,'' she said with a laugh. ``At the time, he was just so outstandingly good- looking. And everybody liked him because he was such a good listener and he really, really, really loved people. He really did.'' Harry, who served on the Winchester City Council, said he always was amazed at how long his father stayed in public service. ``I wonder what impact he might have had if he had started in elected office, say in his 30s or 40s instead of his 60s,'' he said. ``I think it was always centered around and based around his love of this community.'' Harrington Smith the supervisor had a persona most people couldn't figure out. During his time in office, he switched from Republican to Democrat before becoming an independent. ``I was always surprised by his votes,'' former Supervisor Sidney ``Sid'' Reyes said. ``I never knew which way he was going to come.'' ``But he was a gentleman. The ultimate gentleman, I don't think Harrington Smith had an enemy or anyone who spoke ill of him.'' The man the public didn't get to see was a little less of an enigma, Harry said. ``If he wasn't out helping constituents, he was probably watching television, sitting on a couch, eating a grilled- cheese sandwich, with his feet propped up, his arm propped up on a pillow, and the cat in his lap,'' Harry said. ``He was a channel flicker. Anywhere from a sports to movies to the History Channel. And it had to be turned up very loud.'' Like the volume on him TV set, whenever Harrington had an idea, he put it out with force--especially when it came to state government controlling local decisions. ``You could always count on Harrington with a speech any time the subject came up,'' Board of Supervisors Chairman Richard C. Shickle said. ``He just stated his opinion and didn't pull any punches. . . . You didn't have any trouble understanding Harrington or his positions. He was just blunt.'' Frederick County Commonwealth's Attorney Lawrence R. Ambrogi called Harrington Smith ``outgoing,'' ``personable,'' and ``unique.'' ``He was one-of-a-kind, Ambrogi said. ``He was 78, he probably put in 200 years of life in that time.'' ``He sang the national anthem at different political functions, he was an announcer at the (stock car) racetrack. ``It's just sad because he'll never be replaced.'' Still, Shawnee residents can't go without representation on the Board of Supervisors. Ambrogi said the board has 45 days to appoint Harrington's replacement because the next election is less than 120 days away. Shickle and Ambrogi said the county needs time to grieve before worrying about that, though. ``I lost a friend,'' Shickle said. ``And I think we'll mourn first.''

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for his faithfulness and his leadership on this issue. I share his statement, and I am a supporter of his bill and the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo), and I urge all Members on both sides to cosponsor his bill. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of S. Con. Res. 137 calling for the suspension of Sudan's membership on the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. I want to commend Majority Leader Frist and the gentleman from Illinois (Speaker Hastert) for moving this important resolution very quickly through the Congress, and also the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos). On September 9, Secretary of State Colin Powell declared that genocide is occurring in Darfur, and we all owe Secretary Powell a debt of gratitude, because that took a tremendous amount of courage, and he did it. Sudan is accused of the most heinous crime which can be inflicted on an entire group of people. The gravity of what is occurring must not be lost on anyone, not the United States, not the international community and certainly not the United Nations. On July 30, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted Security Council Resolution 1556, calling on the government of Sudan to fulfill immediately its obligation to facilitate humanitarian relief efforts and disarm the Janjaweed militia, bring those responsible for atrocities in Darfur to justice and to cooperate with U.N.-sponsored human rights monitors. To date, the government of Sudan has failed, has failed to comply with that U.N. resolution. The Janjaweed is still attacking innocent civilians with support from the government of Sudan, and as recently as late August, credible reports point to direct attacks on villages by the government of Sudan. Just last week, the U.N. Security Council passed a new resolution, as the gentleman from New Jersey said, stating that the government has failed to meet the requirements under the previous resolution and calling on Sudan to cease attacks and cooperate fully with the expanded African Union force or face economic sanctions. It may come as a surprise to some that Sudan, the country that is committing genocide, the country that is allowing people to go on to kill men, rape women, abduct children and burn villages, sits on the United Nations Human Rights Commission, the lone body responsible for promoting respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms. I call on the United Nations to seek the immediate suspension of Sudan from the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. And if the United Nations determines that genocide has occurred in Darfur, to see that Sudan is permanently banned from the commission. This is a test for the United Nations. More importantly in some respects, this is a test for Kofi Annan. Kofi Annan is a good man, decent, honest. But Kofi Annan was the head of the U.N. Peacekeeping Forces in 1994 when the genocide swept through Rwanda and 800,000 Tutsis died. The fact that he was in at that time when genocide took place in Rwanda and is now the head of the whole organization when genocide is taking place in Darfur gives him a tremendous burden and responsibility and that responsibility is to immediately seek the suspension of Sudan from the Commission of Human Rights. It is a slap in the face to the pursuit of universal human rights and a direct affront to the United Nations and all countries which respect the God-given rights of their citizens to have Sudan sit in judgment of others as a member of that commission. I urge every Member to vote in favor of this resolution. I thank the chairman. I want to particularly thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne). He has been there from the very, very beginning as many others have, the Black Caucus has, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo), Senator Brownback, Senator Frist and many others. I think eventually we will be successful, but I want to thank the gentleman.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I rise today as a cosponsor of legislation introduced by my friend and Virginia colleague Congressman Tom Davis to address needed flexibility in the Title I education program. Title I provides the majority of federal education money; however, these education dollars are tied to arbitrary thresholds of needy students. A school district can go from just above the threshold to just below with the change of only a couple of percentage points. This means that the increase or loss of only a few needy students can bring a significant windfall of new federal money to a district or can devastate a school district that has received federal funds for years. In northern Virginia there is one such district. Fairfax County, one of the largest school districts in the country, will likely lose nearly $3 million because of a loss of only a handful of qualifying students. The most recent census-defined poverty rates have dropped the county's population from just above 5 percent to just below 5 percent leaving the school district ineligible for most Title I federal funding. For years, Fairfax County School District has received Title I federal funds because more than 5 percent of the students were below the census-defined poverty rate. While there are other school districts throughout the country facing similar difficulties, Fairfax County, which serves over 150,000 students, is the largest school division to be dropped out of eligibility for Title I grant programs and stands to lose the most money. This legislation introduced today would provide school districts like Fairfax County with a multi-year phase down of these funds. This multi- year phase down will allow school districts time to plan for students' educational future. This flexibility would be particularly helpful for Fairfax County School District where the number of students below the poverty rate dropped by a such a small number. Despite this current situation, Fairfax will maintain its commitment to education success and will have the same number of schoolwide Title I programs in the coming school year as it did before.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I submit for the Record the speech made on September 7 by John Miller, Ambassador-at-Large for the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons. I hope that you find it compelling. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Thank you so much for your kind words, and even more for your inspiring words on modern-day slavery. I believe you are the first Secretary of State to call trafficking in persons by its true name: modern-day slavery. Without your leadership, and the leadership of President Bush, we would never have made the progress we celebrate today. And thank you, Under Secretary Paula Dobriansky. You first raised my name for this position and gave me the opportunity to work on one of the premier human rights issues of the 21st century. I see some colleagues and former colleagues from the Congress here today. They have come even though Congress does not start the fall session until later today. Congressman Frank Wolf, whose counsel led me to take this position. Senator Sam Brownback and Congressman Chris Smith. But for their work and the work of Paul Wellstone and Sam Gedjenson there would not be the Trafficking Victims Protection Act and the office I head. Senator Chuck Schumer, who is taking a leadership role on this issue. Congressman Diane Watson, who flew from California to be here, and Congressman Barney Frank. And my former colleagues Barbara Kennelly and Linda Smith. And thanks also to the many senators and congressmen who sent personal representatives: Senators Lugar, Durbin, Clinton, and Cantwell, Majority Leader DeLay, House Committee on International Relations Chairman Hyde, and Congressmen Barton, Gallegly and Sherman, Kolbe and Coble, Pitts and Saxton, Dunn and Pryce, Lantos and Sherman. My thanks also to the many in the executive branch who have come--the large contingent from the White House and National Security Council, including my friends Elliot Abrams and Michael Gerson. And my thanks to the many colleagues from so many agencies who have worked together on the Senior Policy Operating Group on human trafficking at the direction of the President. And, of course, my thanks to all those who have come from the various parts of the State Department, including my own office. Marking the growing importance of modern-day slavery around the world I also want to recognize and show appreciation for the attendance of the ambassadors from countries such as Sweden, Benin, Kazakhstan, Cambodia, Nigeria, Indonesia and the Philippines, and diplomats from other nations such as Bangladesh, Mexico and Ukraine. And, last but not least, I want to thank my son, Rip, for coming all the way from Seattle. When I came back here to Washington 18 months ago I knew little about modern-day slavery. I am indebted to many citizens, public servants and NGOs who worked on the issue long before me and took the time to tutor and encourage me. To all of you, I say thanks. What is this issue we call modern-day slavery? Last week I gave a keynote speech at the new National Underground Railroad Freedom Center in Cincinnati. We discussed the differences between slavery in the 19th century and the 21st century. Today, we do not have government-sanctioned slavery based on color; today, more often we have slavery based on gender and age. Today, the slavery is not just on plantations and in homes; it is in factories and armies as well, and especially in brothels. But the slave masters use the same tools today as the earlier slave masters: kidnapping, fraud, threats and beatings, all aimed at forcing women, children, and men into labor and sex exploitation. And slavery once again reaches into every country in the world. We had a grim reminder of this in our own country today with a Washington Post story on convictions of two kidnappers who put women into forced prostitution. Who are these victims that bring us here today? Who are the individuals whose bodies and souls have suffered? I picture the victims I have met in my travels. Tina, a teenage Indonesian farm girl lured and forced into domestic servitude in Malaysia. Lord, a Laotian youngster, beaten, tortured and forced to work in an embroidery factory in Thailand. Katya, a Czech teenager lured to Amsterdam with a promise of a restaurant job, her passport seized, her 2-year- old daughter threatened so she would service 10 and 15 men a day in a brothel. And so many more. . . . These are the individuals who make up the millions held in slavery within countries or trafficked across international borders. These are the individuals used by organized crime to make billions of dollars every year so we now, incredibly, speak of the drug trade, the arms trade--and the people trade. But today is not about bleakness and despair in the human rights, health and public stability challenges we face. Today is about progress and hope. What a group we have here today. Yes, President Bush and Secretary Powell have taken the lead, but in this election season of conflict it is a tribute to the power of this issue that we have here today a coalition of Democrats and Republicans, a coalition ranging from feminists to evangelical Christians, all of us committed to ending this scourge. The NGOs in this room have done so much to pass laws, to jail the traffickers and to heal the afflicted. You have inspired the public servants here, particularly the staff of the Trafficking in Persons Office. We are a small office in a big department, but what an office! Spurring programs and news media coverage around the world, putting out this report that has helped spur almost 3,000 convictions of traffickers across the globe last year, spur scores of anti-trafficking in persons laws, and spur debates leading to law enforcement and victim protection actions from Guyana to Bangladesh to Japan. To every person who works in the Trafficking in Persons Office, thanks. But all that is prologue. What can all of us working together do in the future? First, let's start with language. Back in the time of the Underground Railroad, owners talked about ``field hands,'' but they were describing slaves. Today, words like ``laborers'' and ``sex workers'' are often used to describe modern-day slaves. We must try to stop that. Second, we can continue focusing on the source countries that supply slaves. We can do this by increasing education efforts that warn potential victims. We can support economic alternatives for victims. We can set up more shelters to help the victims. And we can help stamp out corruption and throw the traffickers in jail. Just as faith-based groups were the leaders in setting up the Underground Railroad, we now need faith-based, feminists, and community groups to take the lead. Third, we must focus more on the demand for slaves. The slave victims may start out in poorer countries, but they often end up in wealthy destination countries in Europe, Asia and North America. That's where the market is. The slavery in earlier centuries existed because of the demand of sugar plantations in Brazil and the Caribbean, the demand of tobacco and cotton farms in the American south. The Secretary of State said at the President's Interagency Task Force on Human Trafficking that we cannot ignore demand today. That means smashing the forces of organized crime in destination as well as source countries; it means education directed at those who create and make up the market. And when we talk about demand, we must also talk, as President Bush did at the U.N. last fall, about child sex tourism, a major force behind child sex slavery. Yes, child sex tourism may go on in distant lands, but the pedophiles come from wealthy countries. More countries need to pass laws such as the Protect Act passed on a bipartisan basis by the Congress and signed by President Bush in April 2003. That law strengthened law enforcement's ability to prosecute and put in jail predators back home, no matter where in the world they commit this repulsive crime. Fourth, we must continue to highlight the issue by putting out reports such as the Justice Department's Assessment of U.S. Government Activities to Combat Trafficking in Persons and the Secretary of State's annual Trafficking in Persons Report. Fifth, we can urge that law enforcement anywhere not just prosecute the victims but go after the perpetrators and exploiters. Sixth, we must insist on abolition. As Hugh Thomas documents in his History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, in the 19th and earlier centuries, many well-meaning citizens said, ``We can't end the slave trade; let's get better ventilation on the slave ships; let's get better mats and wooden beds and more rations and improve the health of the slaves.'' The Dutch government back then even boasted how clean and neat and well managed their slave ships were. When English critics visited the English slave ships, the slave masters had the slaves sing and dance to convince the visitors to go back and tell Queen Elizabeth that the slaves were happy and there of their own consent. And the slave trade went on. Today victims, often fearful, tell visitors they are fine and happy. Well-meaning people say, ``We can't end slavery, so let's get better ventilation in slave factories; let's get condoms into the brothels.'' These measures are good and will help the victims, but they won't end the victims' slavery. We cannot lose sight of that goal. Last, we can encourage the news media to report on modern- day slavery and praise them when they do. Increased public awareness can lead to many good things. We all know this struggle will be a long one. But so was the struggle in the early 19th century led by William Wilberforce in the British Parliament. And long was the struggle of the American abolitionists like Frederick Douglass and Harriet Beecher Stowe and Levi Coffin that took decades. We need their dedication and energy and patience. This is a struggle that goes back to the book of Exodus that I took the oath on where the Lord told Moses to tell pharaoh to, ``Let my people go so they can serve me.'' This is a struggle that goes back to the Declaration of Independence with its call for the ``inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.'' In some ways our struggle is easier than the one facing the 19th century abolitionists. We do not have to violate laws to help the victims as the early abolitionists did. When Wilberforce first raised the slavery issue, another member of Parliament asked, ``What right do you have to impose British values on the world?'' Well, today, while some governments may look the other way, no government officially supports slavery and almost all have signed international covenants recognizing that freedom must prevail. I remember visiting Eastern Europe after the fall of the Iron Curtain and receiving the thanks of so many. In the decades ahead I want America to earn and merit the thanks of those who languish in slavery today. I believe America is great when she is good. We are called on--again--to move towards the abolition of slavery in every country, including our own. There is so much for all of us to do today. Yes, this is a struggle. But as the great Frederick Douglass said, ``If there is no struggle, there is no progress.'' We can all be part of the 21st-century abolitionist movement. And like our forbearers, we will be victorious! God bless all of you for your friendship and support in this struggle. Thank you.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman for yielding to me. Mr. Chairman, I just want to inform the House of something that I think is very important. Over the last year, Mr. Chairman, we have watched the horrors of Darfur unfold before our very eyes. President Bush and Secretary Powell, the Congressional Black Caucus, and Members on both sides have focused on this issue and using every tool possible to save life. Today the United States took the historic step of calling what is occurring in Darfur, Sudan, genocide. In his testimony this morning before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Secretary of State Colin Powell stated: ``We concluded that genocide has been committed in Darfur and that the Government of Sudan and the jinjaweid bear responsibility, and genocide may still be occurring. We believe, in order to confirm the true nature, scope and totality of the crimes our evidence reveals, a full-blown and unfettered investigation needs to occur. Sudan is a contracting party to the Genocide Convention and is obligated under the Convention to prevent and punish acts of genocide. To us, at this time, it appears Sudan has failed to do so.'' And then he went on to say what the position is. I want to thank President Bush, and I want to thank Secretary Powell, and I want to thank the people in the State Department for calling this genocide and to doing everything they can to stop the genocide that is taking place in Sudan. Remember Rwanda? Nobody would say anything about Rwanda. This administration has said it is genocide, and I say, God bless President Bush and God bless Secretary Powell. Mr. Chairman, I submit for the Congressional Record the full remarks of Secretary Powell before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: The Crisis in Darfur (By Secretary Colin L. Powell) Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify on the situation in Darfur. Let me start by reviewing a little history. The violence in Darfur has complex roots in traditional conflicts between Arab nomadic herders and African farmers. The violence intensified during 2003 when two groups--the Sudan Liberation Movement and the Justice and Equality Movement--declared open rebellion against the Government of Sudan because they feared being on the outside of the power and wealth-sharing agreements in the north-south negotiations. Khartoum reacted aggressively, intensifying support for Arab militias, the so-called jinjaweid. The Government of Sudan supported the jinjaweid, directly and indirectly, as they carried out a scorched-earth policy towards the rebels and the African civilian population. Mr. Chairman, the United States exerted strong leadership to focus international attention on this unfolding tragedy. We first took the issue of Sudan to the United Nations (UN) Security Council last fall. President Bush was the first head of state to condemn publicly the Government of Sudan and to urge the international community to intensify efforts to end the violence. In April of this year, the United States brokered a ceasefire between the Government of Sudan and the rebels, and then took the lead to get the African Union (AU) to monitor that ceasefire. As some of you are aware, I traveled to the Sudan in midsummer and made a point of visiting Darfur. It was about the same time that Congressman Wolf and Senator Brownback were here, as well as Secretary General Kofi Annan. In fact, the Secretary General and I were able to meet and exchange notes. We made sure that our message to the Sudanese government was consistent. Senator Brownback can back me up when I say that all of us saw the suffering that the people of Darfur are having to endure. And Senator Corzine was just in Darfur and can vouch for the fact that atrocities are still occurring. All of us met with people who had been driven from their homes--indeed many having seen their homes and all their worldly possessions destroyed or confiscated before their eyes--by the terrible violence that is occurring in Darfur. During my visit, humanitarian workers from my own Agency-- USAID--and from other Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), told me how they are struggling to bring food, shelter, and medicines to those so desperately in need--a population of well over one million. In my midsummer meetings with the Government of Sudan, we presented them with the stark facts of what we knew about what is happening in Darfur from the destruction of villages, to the raping and the killing, to the obstacles that impeded relief efforts. Secretary General Annan and I obtained from the Government of Sudan what they said would be firm commitments to take steps, and to take steps immediately, that would remove these obstacles, help bring the violence to an end, and do it in a way that we could monitor their performance. There have been some positive developments since my visit, and since the visit of Senator Brownback, Congressman Wolf, and the Secretary General. The Sudanese have met some our benchmarks such as engaging in political talks with the rebels and supporting the deployment of observers and troops from the AU to monitor the ceasefire between Khartoum and the rebels. Some improvements in humanitarian access have also occurred through the government continues to throw obstacles in the way of the fullest provision of assistance. The AU Ceasefire Commission has also been set up and is working to monitor more effectively what is actually happening in Darfur. The general who is in charge of that mission, a Nigerian general by the name of Okonkwo, is somebody that we know well. He is the same Nigerian general who went into Liberia last year and helped stabilize the situation there. The AU's mission will help to restore sufficient security so that these dislocated, starving, hounded people can at least avail themselves of the humanitarian assistance that is available. But what is really needed is enough security so that they can go home. And what is really needed is for the jinjaweid militias to cease and desist their murderous raids against these people--and for the Government in Khartoum to stop being complicit in such raids. Khartoum has made no meaningful progress in substantially improving the overall security environment by disarming the jinjaweid militias or arresting its leaders. So we are continuing to press that Government and we continue to monitor them. We continue to make sure that we are not just left with promises instead of actual action and performance on the ground. Because it is absolutely clear that as we approach the end of the rainy season, the situation on the ground must change, and it must change quickly. There are too many tens upon tens of thousands of human beings who are at risk. Some of them have already been consigned to death because of the circumstances they are living in now. They will not make it through the end of the year. Poor security, inadequate capacity, and heavy rains (which will not diminish until late September) continue to hamper the relief effort. The UN estimates there are 1,227,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Darfur. In July, almost 950,000 IDPs received some form of food assistance. About 200,000 Sudanese refugees are being assisted by UNHCR and partner organizations in Chad. The World Food Program (WFP) expects two million IDPs will need food aid by October. U.S. Government provision of aid to the Darfur crisis in Sudan and Chad totaled $211.3 million as of September 2, 2004. This includes $112.9 million in food assistance, $50.2 million in non-food assistance, and $36.4 million for refugees in Chad, $5 million for refugee programs in Darfur, and $6.8 million for the African Union mission. The. U.S. also strongly supports the work of the AU monitoring mission in Darfur. In fact, 23 initiated the Mission through base camp set-up and logistics support by a private contractor. The Mission is staffed with 125 AU monitors now deployed in the field and has completed approximately 20 investigations of cease-fire violations. The AU monitoring staff is supported by a protection force of 305, made up of a Rwandan contingent of 155 (they arrived on August 15) and a Nigerian contingent of 150 (they arrived on August 30). Recognizing the security problems in Darfur, the UN and the U.S. have begun calling for an expanded AU mission in Darfur through the provision of additional observers and protection forces. Khartoum appears to have signaled a willingness to consider an expanded mission. I am pleased to announce, Mr. Chairman, that the State Department has identified $20.5 million in FY04 funds for initial support of this expanded mission. We look forward to consulting with the Congress on meeting additional needs. As you know, as we watched through the month of July, we felt more pressure was required. So we went to the UN and asked for a resolution. We got it on July 30. Resulution 1556 demands that the Government of Sudan take action to disarm the jinjaweid militia and bring jinjaweid leaders to justice. It warns Khartoum that the Security Council will take further actions and measures--UN-speak for sanctions--if Sudan fails to comply. It urges the warring parties to conclude a political agreement without delay and it commits all states to target sanctions against the jinjaweid militias and those who aid and abet them as well as others who may share responsibility for this tragic situation. Too many lives have already been lost. We cannot lose any more time. We in the international community must intensify our efforts to help those imperiled by violence, starvation and disease in Darfur. But the Government of Sudan bears the greatest responsibility to face up to this catastrophe, rein in those who are committing these atrocities, and save the lives of its own citizens. At the same time, however, the rebels have not fully respected the ceasefire. We are disturbed at reports of rebel kidnappings of relief workers. We have emphasized to the rebels that they must allow unrestricted access of humanitarian relief workers and supplies and cooperate fully, including with the AU monitoring mission. We are pleased that the Government of Sudan and the rebels are currently engaged in talks in Abuja, hosted by the AU. These talks are aimed at bringing about a political settlement in Darfur. The two sides have agreed on a protocol to facilitate delivery of much-needed humanitarian assistance to rebel-held areas, and are now engaged in discussions of a protocol on security issues. We are urging both sides to intensify negotiations in order to reach a political settlement. At midsummer, I told President Bashir, Vice President Taha, Foreign Minister Ismail, the Minister of Interior and others, that the United States wants to see a united, prosperous, democratic Sudan. I told them that to that end we are fully prepared to work with them. I reminded them that we had reached an historic agreement on June 5--an agreement between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). That agreement covered all the outstanding issues in the north-south process. Since then, the parties have been engaged in final negotiations on remaining details. However, the parties are stuck on the specifics of a formal ceasefire agreement and have not yet begun the final round of implementation modalities. Special Envoy Sumbeiywo met recently with the parties, but could not resolve the remaining ceasefire- related issues. Khartoum appears unwilling to resume talks at the most senior level, claiming it must focus on Darfur. That would be fine if its focus were the right focus. But it is not. The SPLM is more forward leaning, but still focused on negotiating details. We believe that a comprehensive agreement would bolster efforts to resolve the crisis in Darfur by providing a legal basis for a political solution (decentralization) and by opening up the political process in Khartoum. President Bashir has repeatedly pledged to work for peace, and he pledged that again when we met in midsummer. But President Bush, this Congress, Secretary General Annan and the international community want more than promises. We want to see dramatic improvements on the ground right now. Indeed, we wanted to see them yesterday. In the meantime, we are doing all that we can. We are working with the international community to make sure that all of those nations who have made pledges of financial assistance meet those pledges. In fact, the estimated needs have grown and the donor community needs to dig deeper. America has been in the forefront of providing assistance to the suffering people of Darfur and will remain in the forefront. But it is time for the entire international community to increase their assistance. The U.S. has pledged $299 million in humanitarian aid through FY05, and $11.8 million to the AU mission, and we are well on the way to exceeding these pledges. SYG Annan's August 30 report called for an expanded AU mission in Darfur to monitor commitments of the parties more effectively, thereby enhancing security and facilitating the delivery of humanitarian assistance. The report also highlighted Khartoum's failure to rein in and disarm the jinjaweid militia, and noted that the Sudanese military continued to take part in attacks on civilians, including aerial bombardment and helicopter strikes. We have begun consultation in New York on a new resolution that calls for Khartoum to cooperate fully with an expanded AU force and for cessation of Sudanese military flights over the Darfur region. It also provides for international overflights to monitor the situation in Darfur and requires the Security Council to review the record of Khartoum's compliance to determine if sanctions, including on the Sudanese petroleum sector, should be imposed. The resolution also urges the Government of Sudan and the SPLM to conclude negotiations on a comprehensive peace accord. And finally there is the matter of whether or not what is happening in Darfur is genocide. Since the U.S. became aware of atrocities occurring in Sudan, we have been reviewing the Genocide Convention and the obligations it places on the Government of Sudan. In July, we launched a limited investigation by sending a team to refugee camps in Chad. They worked closely with the American Bar Association and the Coalition for International Justice and were able to interview 1,136 of the 2.2 million people the UN estimates have been affected by this horrible violence. Those interviews indicated: A consistent and widespread pattern of atrocities (killings, rapes, burning of villages) committed by jinjaweid and government forces against non-Arab villagers; Three-fourths (74%) of those interviewed reported that the Sudanese military forces were involved in the attacks; Villages often experienced multiple attacks over a prolonged period before they were destroyed by burning, shelling or bombing, making it impossible for villagers to return. When we reviewed the evidence compiled by our team, along with other information available to the State Department, we concluded that genocide has been committed in Darfur and that the Government of Sudan and the jinjaweid bear responsibility--and genocide may still be occurring. Mr. Chairman, we are making copies of the evidence our team compiled available to this committee today. We believe in order to confirm the true nature, scope and totality of the crimes our evidence reveals, a full-blown and unfettered investigation needs to occur. Sudan is a contracting party to the Genocide Convention and is obliged under the Convention to prevent and to punish acts of genocide. To us, at this time, it appears that Sudan has failed to do so. Article VIII of the Genocide Convention provides that Contracting Parties ``may call upon the competent organs of the United Nations to take such action under the Charter of the United Nations as they consider appropriate for the prevention and suppression of acts of genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in Article III.'' Today, the U.S. is calling on the UN to initiate a full investigation. To this end, the U.S. will propose that the next UN Security Council Resolution on Sudan request a UN investigation into all violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law that have occurred in Darfur, with a view to ensuring accountability. Mr. Chairman, as I said the evidence leads us to the conclusion that genocide has occurred and may still be occurring in Darfur. We believe the evidence corroborates the specific intent of the perpetrators to destroy ``a group in whole or in part''. This intent may be inferred from their deliberate conduct. We believe other elements of the convention have been met as well. Under the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, to which both the United States and Sudan are parties, genocide occurs when the following three criteria are met: Specified acts are committed: (a) killing; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm; (c) deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about physical destruction of a group in whole or in part; (d) imposing measures to prevent births; or (e) forcibly transferring children to another group; These acts are committed against members of a national, ethnic, racial or religious group; and They are committed ``with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, [the group] as such''. The totality of the evidence from the interviews we conducted in July and August, and from the other sources available to us, shows that: The jinjaweid and Sudanese military forces have committed large-scale acts of violence, including murders, rape and physical assaults on non-Arab individuals; The jinjaweid and Sudanese military forces destroyed villages, foodstuffs, and other means of survival; The Sudan Government and its military forces obstructed food, water, medicine, and other humanitarian aid from reaching affected populations, thereby leading to further deaths and suffering; and Despite having been put on notice multiple times, Khartoum has failed to stop the violence. Mr. Chairman, some seem to have been waiting for this determination of genocide to take action. In fact, however, no new action is dictated by this determination. We have been doing everything we can to get the Sudanese government to act responsibly. So let us not be preoccupied with this designation of genocide. These people are in desperate need and we must help them. Call it a civil war. Call it ethnic cleansing. Call it genocide. Call it ``none of the above.'' The reality is the same: there are people in Darfur who desperately need our help. I expect that the government in Khartoum will reject our conclusion of genocide anyway. Moreover, at this point genocide is our judgment and not the judgment of the International Community. Before the Government of Sudan is taken to the bar of international justice, let me point out that there is a simply way for Khartoum to avoid such wholesale condemnation. That way is to take action. The government in Khartoum should end the attacks, ensure its people--all of its people--are secure, hold to account those who are responsible for past atrocities, and ensure that current negotiations are successfully concluded. That is the only way to peace and prosperity for this war-ravaged land. Specifically, Mr. Chairman, the most practical contribution we can make to the security of Darfur in the short-term is to increase the number of African Union monitors. That will require the cooperation of the Government of Sudan. In the intermediate and long term, the security of Darfur can be best advanced by a political settlement at Abuja and by the successful conclusion of the peace negotiations between the SPLM and the Government of Sudan.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, the State Department also released today a report titled, ``Documenting Atrocities in Darfur.'' The report documents over 1,100 interviews with refugees in Chad. The report says that in over \3/4\ of the attacks, the Government of Sudan was directly involved and that the attacks were systematic and widespread. I submit for the Record a copy of this report. The evidence of the atrocities which have been committed is now clear. It is now time for the international community to act. There is now the chance to stop genocide in its tracks. We must keep pressure on Khartoum. The people living in the camps have little time left. Many are already gone. The international community must come together to save lives. We must not fail the people of Darfur. Again, I commend the administration for documenting the horrific evidence of genocide. The U.S. has spoken the truth. The international community must now do the same. There is little time to waste. Documenting Atrocities in Darfur [State Publication 11182, Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor and the Bureau of Intelligence and Research September 2004] Summary The conflict between the Government of Sudan (GOS), and two rebel groups that began in 2003 has precipitated the worst humanitarian and human rights crisis in the world today. The primary cleavage is ethnic: Arabs (GOS and militia forces) vs. non-Arab villagers belonging primarily to the Zaghawa, Massalit, and Fur ethnic groups. Both groups are predominantly Muslim. A U.S. Government project to conduct systematic interviews of Sudanese refugees in Chad reveals a consistent and widespread pattern of atrocities committed against non-Arab villagers in the Darfur region of western Sudan. This assessment is based on semi-structured interviews with 1,136 randomly selected refugees in 19 locations in eastern Chad. Most respondents said government forces militia fighters, or a combination of both had completely destroyed their villages. Sixty-one percent of the respondents witnessed the killing of a family member, 16 percent said they had been raped or had heard about a rape from a victim. About one- third of the refugees heard racial epithets while under attack. Four-fifths said their livestock was stolen; nearly half asserted their personal property was looted. This assessment highlights incidents and atrocities that have led to the displacement of large portions of Darfur's non-Arabs. An Atrocities Documentation Team, assembled at the initiative of the US Department of State's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL), conducted interviews in Chad in July and August. The team was primarily composed of independent experts recruited by the Coalition for International Justice (CIJ), and also included experts from the American Bar Association (ABA), DRL, and the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) as well as the US Agency for International Development (USAID). INR was responsible for compiling the survey data and producing the final report. USAID met the costs of the CIJ and ABA. Humanitarian Crisis As of August 2004, based on available information, more than 405 villages in Darfur had been completely destroyed, with an additional 123 substantially damaged, since February 2003. Approximately 200,000 persons had sought refuge in eastern Chad as of August, according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR); the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reports another 1.2 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) remain in western Sudan. The total population of Darfur is 6 million. The lack of security in the region continues to threaten displaced persons. Insecurity and heavy rains continue to disrupt humanitarian assistance. The UN World Food Program provided food to nearly 940,000 people in Darfur in July. Nonetheless, since the beginning of the Darfur food program, a total of 82 out of 154 concentrations of IDPs have received food, leaving 72 locations unassisted. Relief and health experts warn that malnutrition and mortality are likely to increase as forcibly displaced and isolated villagers suffer from hunger and infectious diseases that will spread quickly among densely populated and malnourished populations. The health situation for the 200,000 refugees in Chad is ominous. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimate that one in three children in the refugee settlements in Chad is suffering from acute malnutrition and that crude mortality rates are already well above emergency threshold levels (one per 10,000 per day). Human Rights Crisis The non-Arab population of Darfur continues to suffer from crimes against humanity. A review of 1,136 interviews shows a consistent pattern of atrocities, suggesting close coordination between GOS forces and Arab militia elements, commonly known as the Jingaweit (Janjaweed). (``Jingaweit'' is an Arabic term meaning ``horse and gun.'') Despite the current cease-fire and UN Security Council Resolution 1556, Jingaweit violence against civilians has continued (cease-fire violations by both the Jingaweit and the rebels have continued as well). Media reports on August 10, 16, and 19 chronicled GOS-Jingaweit attacks in Western Darfur. In addition to their work on the survey, the interviewers had the opportunity to speak with newly arrived refugees who provided accounts that tended to confirm press reports of continuing GOS participation in recent attacks. Refugees who fled the violence on August 6 and 8 spoke with the team, providing accounts consistent with media reports: joint GOS military and Jingaweit attacks; strafing by helicopter gunships followed by ground attacks by the GOS military in vehicles and Jingaweit on horseback; males being shot or knifed; and women being abducted or raped. Respondents reported these attacks destroyed five villages. Multiple respondents also reported attacks on the IDP camp of Arja. The UN estimates the violence has affected 2.2 million of Darfur's 6 million residents. The GOS claims it has been unable to prevent Jingaweit atrocities and that the international community has exaggerated the extent and nature of the crisis. The GOS has improved international relief access to IDPs in Darfur since July, but problems, including lack of security and seasonal rains, have hampered relief programs. Survey results indicate that most Sudanese refugees state that Jingaweit militias and GOS military forces collaborate in carrying out systematic attacks against non- Arab villages in Darfur. Ethnographic Background Darfur covers about one-fifth of Sudan's vast territory and is home to one-seventh of its population. It includes a mixture of Arab and non-Arab ethnic groups, both of which are predominantly Muslim (see map, p. 6). The Fur ethnic group (Darfur means ``homeland of the Fur'') is the largest non-Arab ethnic group in the region. Northern Darfur State is home to the nomadic non-Arab Zaghawa but also includes a significant number of Arabs, such as the Meidab. Sedentary non-Arabs from the Fur, Massalit, Daju, and other ethnic groups live in Western Darfur State. The arid climate and the competition for scarce resources over the years have contributed to recurring conflict between nomadic Arab herders and non-Arab farmers, particularly over land and grazing rights. Various ethnic groups have fought over access to water, grazing rights, and prized agricultural land as desertification has driven herders farther south. Political and Military Conflict Ethnic violence affected the Darfur region in the 1980s. In 1986, Prime Minister Sadiq al-Mahdi armed the ethnic-Arab tribes to fight John Garang's Sudanese People's Liberation Army (SPLA). After helping the GOS beat back an SPLA attack in Darfur in 1991, one of these Arab tribes sought to resolve ancient disputes over land and water rights by attacking the Zaghawa, Fur, and Massalit peoples. Arab groups launched a campaign in Southern Darfur State that resulted in the destruction of some 600 non-Arab villages and the deaths of about 3,000 people. The GOS itself encouraged the formation of an ``Arab Alliance'' in Darfur to keep non-Arab ethnic groups in check. Weapons flowed into Darfur and the conflict spread. After President Bashir seized power in 1989, the new government disarmed non-Arab ethnic groups but allowed politically loyal Arab allies to keep their weapons. In February 2003, rebels calling themselves the Darfur Liberation Front (DLF) attacked GOS military installations and the provincial capital of A Fashir. The DLF complained of economic marginalization and demanded a power sharing arrangement with the GOS. In March 2003, the DLF changed its name to the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLMIA), intensified its military operations, unveiled a political program for a ``united democratic Sudan,'' and bolstered its strength to some 4,000 rebels. The Justice and Equality Movement, with fewer than 1,000 rebels, was established in 2002 but has since joined the SLM/A in several campaigns against GOS forces. The GOS has provided support to Arab militiamen attacking non-Arab civilians, according to press and NGO reports. Refugee accounts corroborated by US and other independent reporting suggest that Khartoum has continued to provide direct support for advancing Jingaweit. Aerial bombardment and attacks on civilians reportedly have occurred widely throughout the region; respondents named more than 100 locations that experienced such bombardment (see map, p. 8). The extent to which insurgent base camps were co-located with villages and civilians is unknown. The number of casualties caused by aerial bombardment cannot be determined, but large numbers of Darfurians have been forced to flee their villages. According to press and NGO reports, the GOS has given Jingaweit recruits salaries, communication equipment, arms, and identity cards. Current International Response On July 30, 2004, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1556, which demanded that the GOS fulfill commitments it made to disarm the Jingaweit militias and apprehend and bring to justice Jingaweit leaders and their associates; it also called on the GOS to allow humanitarian access to Darfur, among other things. The UN placed an embargo on the sale or supply of materiel and training to non-governmental entities and individuals in Darfur. The resolution endorsed the African Union deployment of monitors and a protection force to Darfur. It requested the Secretary-General to report on GOS progress in 30 days and held out the possibility of further actions, including sanctions, against the GOS in the event of non-compliance. The Security Council has expressed its deep concern over reports of large-scale violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in Darfur. The main protection concerns identified by the UN and corroborated by the Atrocities Documentation Team include threats to life and freedom of movement, forced relocation, forced return, sexual violence, and restricted access to humanitarian assistance, social services, sources of livelihood, and basic services. Food security has been precarious and will probably worsen as the rainy season continues. Many displaced households no longer can feed themselves because of the loss of livestock and the razing of food stores. Relief agencies' access to areas outside the state capitals of Al Junaynah, Al Fashir, and Nyala was limited until late May. Visits by UN Secretary-General Annan and Secretary of State Powell in June 2004 brought heightened attention to the growing humanitarian crisis. As a result, the GOS lifted travel restrictions and announced measures to facilitate humanitarian access. Nonetheless, serious problems remain, specifically capacity, logistics, and security for relief efforts. USAID's Disaster Assistance Response Team and other agencies have deployed additional staff to increase emergency response capacity. Refugee Interviews--Survey Results The Atrocities Documentation Team conducted a random-sample survey of Darfurian refugees in eastern Chad in July and August 2004. The team interviewed 1,136 refugees, many of whom had endured harsh journeys across the desolate Chad- Sudan border. A plurality of the respondents were ethnic Zaghawa (46 percent), with smaller numbers belonging to the Fur (8 percent) and Massalit (30 percent) ethnic groups. Slightly more than half the respondents (56 percent) were women. (See map, p. 6, showing ethnicity of respondent refugees.) Analysis of the refugee interviews points to a pattern of abuse against members of Darfur's non-Arab communities, including murder, rape, beatings, ethnic humiliation, and destruction of property and basic necessities. Many of the reports detailing attacks on villages refer to government and militia forces, preceded by aerial bombardment, acting together to commit atrocities. Respondents said government and militia forces wore khaki or brown military uniforms. Roughly one-half of the respondents noted GOS forces had joined Jingaweit irregulars in attacking their villages. Approximately one-quarter of the respondents said GOS forces had acted alone; another 14 percent said the Jingaweit had acted alone. Two-thirds of the respondents reported aerial bombings against their villages; four-fifths said they had witnessed the complete destruction of their villages. Sixty- one percent reported witnessing the killing of a family member. About one-third of the respondents reported hearing racial epithets while under attack; one-quarter witnessed beatings. Large numbers reported the looting of personal property (47 percent) and the theft of livestock (80 percent). Most reports followed a similar pattern: (1) GOS aircraft or helicopters bomb villages. (2) GOS soldiers arrive in trucks, followed closely by Jingaweit militia riding horses or camels. (3) GOS soldiers and militia surround and then enter villages, under cover of gunfire. (4) Fleeing villagers are targets in aerial bombing. (5) The Jingaweit and GOS soldiers loot the village after most citizens have fled, often using trucks to remove belongings. (6) Villages often experience multiple attacks over a prolonged period before they are destroyed by burning or bombing. When describing attacks, refugees often referred to GOS soldiers and Jingaweit militias as a unified group; as one refugee stated, ``The soldiers and Jingaweit, always they are together.'' The primary victims have been non-Arab residents of Darfur. Numerous credible reports corroborate the use of racial and ethnic epithets by both the Jingaweit and GOS military personnel; ``Kill the slaves; Kill the slaves!'' and ``We have orders to kill all the blacks'' are common. One refugee reported a militia member stating, ``We kill all blacks and even kill our cattle when they have black calves.'' Numerous refugee accounts point to mass abductions, including persons driven away in GOS vehicles, but respondents usually do not know the abductoes' fate. A few respondents indicated personal knowledge of mass executions and gravesites. A subset of 400 respondents were asked about rebel activity in or near their villages. Nearly nine in 10 said there was no rebel activity before the attack. Nine percent noted rebels were in the vicinity; 2 percent said the rebels were present in their villages. The overwhelming majority (91 percent) said their village was not defended at all against the attack. One percent asserted their village had been successfully defended and another 8 percent cited an unsuccessful defense. Respondents reported ethnic tensions in the region had risen over the past few years. For example, markets in which non-Arabs and Arabs had previously interacted have become segregated, and almost all villages are now said to be ethnically homogenous. According to many of the interviewees, GOS soldiers and Jingaweit attacked villages because of their non-Arab populations; men of fighting age have been abducted, executed, or both; and women and girls have been abducted and raped. Refugee Interviews--Survey Methodology This report is based on results from personal interviews conducted by three teams between July 12 and August 18, 2004. DRL, USAID, and the Coalition for International Justice jointly designed the questionnaire in conjunction with other NGOs. INR provided technical assistance on questionnaire design and survey methodology. The teams used a semi- structured interviewing approach that permitted the refugees to give the broadest possible accounts of the events they had experienced. The interviews were conducted in 19 locations in eastern Chad, including UNHCR camps and informal settlements. Refugees were selected using a systematic, random sampling approach designed to meet the conditions in Chad. Interviewers randomly selected a sector within a refugee camp and then, from a fixed point within the sector, chose every 10th dwelling unit for interviewing. All adults were listed within the dwelling unit, and one adult was randomly selected. This methodology ensures the results are as representative as possible in light of refugee conditions. Interviews took place in private, with only the refugee, a translator, and the interviewer present. Several characteristics of the survey must be underscored. First, accounts of atrocities may be dated, depending on when the individual refugee fled his or her village. Second, the data may actually undercount the extent of atrocities because mass attacks often leave few survivors. Third, most respondents come from villages within 50 miles of the border in Western Darfur and Northern Darfur States. Fourth, it is very likely that rapes are underreported because of the social stigma attached to acknowledging such violations of female members of one's family. The results are broadly representative of Darfurian refugees in Chad but may not be representative of internally displaced persons still in Darfur because they were not included in the sample. A margin of error for this sample cannot be calculated because of the lack of accurate demographic information about the refugee camps and settlements. The methodology was designed to achieve as broadly representative a sample as was feasible under the prevailing conditions. Dates of events reported by refugees frequently utilized the Islamic calendar; these dates were then converted to dates on the Gregorian calendar. (See map, p. 6, showing interview locations.) The field data for the 1,136 interviews were compiled using a standardized data entry process that involved the collection and coding of detailed information from each refugee respondent's set of answers. The researchers then used a statistical program to aggregate the data and analyze the results.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support H. Res. 757, marking the third anniversary of the terrorist attacks against the United States. Three years after this attack, our Nation continues to honor and remember all of those who died that day, and the families and loved ones who they left behind. On that September day, the lives of innocent Americans were lost. But on that day, and nearly everyday since then, our Nation has gained something extraordinary out of that loss: a new and deeper appreciation of the countless acts of courage, sacrifice, and patriotism that resulted from September 11. These acts began right after the terrorists struck our Nation. First responders in New York City, and at the Pentagon and in Pennsylvania risked their lives to try and aid those who were injured. They worked for days to help those who needed medical attention, as police officers and firefighters did their work to extinguish the flames and provide a sense of order. In the years after September 11, first responders and other members of our law enforcement community--including the Capitol Police--have had a great burden placed on them as America remains on alert for terrorist acts. These acts of sacrifice on September 11 in helping to keep our Nation safe in the wake of that day's attacks have earned the admiration and thanks of all of our citizens. Thirty people from my district died on September 11. We grieve for their loss, and we grieve still because, as Queen Elizabeth explained after September 11, ``grief is the price we pay for love.'' Out of this grief, though, our neighborhoods, the communities of my district, and communities throughout the Nation have drawn closer together, united in a sense of remembrance for those who left us on September 11, and determined that those who seek to harm us in our own land will not triumph. It is these communities who have sent their sons and daughters to give their lives in Afghanistan and Iraq, and wherever in the world terrorists uneasily rest their heads. My district knows first hand the cost of this sacrifice. Johnny Micheal Spann--a CIA officer and the first American killed in Afghanistan--was from my district. And while we grieve for this loss, we take inspiration from the sacrifices made by Mr. Spann, and the many other acts of sacrifice made by those like him who are serving our country in and out of uniform, overseas and at home. This resolution marks a dark day in our Nation's history. Out of this darkness came a thousand points of light in the many personal acts of heroism and bravery that our fellow countrymen and women have engaged in since September 11. As we continue to remember the terrorist attacks on September 11, we also are inspired by those who sacrifice day after day to keep us safe, some in ways that are well known, other in ways that we will never know about. Our Nation continues to make progress in the war against those who harmed us and seek to harm us again. And while we do, a grateful country remembers its dead, and celebrates the lives of those who toil to keep us free.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Concurrent Resolution 467, declaring genocide in Darfur, Sudan. I want to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for introducing this important legislation. I want to personally thank the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) and his staff and the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) for ensuring that this resolution reached the floor in an expedited manner. I want to also thank the leadership for allowing this to come up so quickly. I also want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) and the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) and their staffs for their continued focus on Darfur. I am proud that this resolution has the support of so many Members standing side by side for the people of Darfur. Mr. Speaker, I first stood on the floor of the House last March to highlight the situation in Darfur and to call the world's attention to the ongoing slaughter of innocent civilians. At that time, thousands were dead and predictions of more death were certain; and since then the world has finally awakened to what is occurring. Articles have been written, protesters arrested, newspapers have carried the story on the front pages. Now we all know, all the world now knows what is occurring in Darfur, and we must act to stop it. Failure to do so will cost more lives. Unfortunately, the situation worsens on a daily basis. An estimate of 1,000 lives are now being lost every day. The situation has escalated to the point that I can now firmly say that I believe that genocide is taking place, and we all have a responsibility and a duty to the people of Darfur to try to stop it in its tracks. I went to Darfur with Senator Brownback. We met the people. We heard their stories. I listened to the women tell us who had been raped over and over. The people of Darfur are suffering. Historically, in past cases, the world has been slow to act when faced with genocide, but today it is different. Today we stand here in the House, the people's body, staring genocide in the face. And today we know what is occurring and we are not afraid to call it what it is, genocide. The international community now has a moral and a legal obligation to stop what is occurring and bring those responsible to justice. I want to commend the United States for taking the lead to help end the crisis. Secretary Powell, I want to thank him and Secretary-General Annan. They are to be commended for going to Darfur. I also want to commend the United States Agency for International Development and the team which has people on the ground. The United States must continue to speak out, and I am proud tonight that for the first time when genocide is taking place, the people's House is speaking out. Every other time the resolutions took place after it was over and all the people were dead. I want to thank the Members on this side and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for all his efforts from way, way back, and all of them over there and the Members on this side. This is very important to speak out for the voiceless, those who have no voice.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, after visiting Darfur, Sudan, and seeing firsthand the horrific conditions and oppression, and I have here a picture of a camp that was burned down by the Janjaweed, but having seen the horrific conditions and oppression, and having talked to eyewitnesses, I believe genocide is taking place in Darfur. The United States and others around the world said never again after the genocide in Rwanda. So now I call on the United States, the United Nations, and world leaders to call it what it is, genocide, and to take action before more die. We have the ability to prevent further deaths and to stop genocide in its tracks. Our actions should follow our words. Amnesty International just released a new report. It documents hundreds of cases of women who have been raped in Darfur. To highlight one story, I quote: ``I was sleeping when the attack on Disa started. I was taken away by the attackers, they were all in uniform. They took dozens of other girls and made us walk for 3 hours. During the day, we were beaten. And they kept telling us, `You, the black women, we will exterminate you, you have no God.' At night, we were raped several times. We were not given food for 3 days.'' This story echoes the stories of rape that I heard when I was in Darfur. We were given a letter by 44 women who were raped. The translation is heartbreaking. It said, and this was to Senator Brownback and myself, ``We are 44 raped women. As a result of that savagery, some of us became pregnant, some have aborted, some took out their wombs and some are still receiving medical treatment. Hereunder, we list the names of the raped women and state that we have high hopes in you and the international community to stand by us and not forsake us to this tyrannical, brutal, and racist regime, which wants to eliminate us racially, bearing in mind that 90 percent of our sisters at this village are widows.'' Women are systematically raped on a massive scale. These are crimes against humanity. The overall situation constitutes genocide. Despite promises to rein in the militia, the violence continues to escalate. Over the weekend, U.N. humanitarian agencies reported that local authorities and militia continued to loot convoys and gang rape women. The United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment on the Crime of Genocide describes genocide as acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, national, ethnic, racial or religious groups. Specifically cited is: Number one. Killing members of the group. Thousands of black Africans have been killed. There are reports of mass graves. Number two. Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group. One woman told us that the Janjaweed told her that she was being raped to create ``lighter-skinned babies.'' Number three. Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about physical destruction in whole or in part. It is clear that the eradication of the Darfurian African population will occur if people do not return to their homes. Number four. Forcefully transferring children of the group to another group. There are constant stories of the abduction of children. No matter what we call it, Mr. Speaker, genocide, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity, people are dying on a massive scale, and that is not acceptable. What matters now is action. The international community has a moral and a legal obligation to stop what is occurring, and those responsible must be brought to justice. The United Nations Security Council needs to take immediate action to end this crisis. In closing, Mr. Speaker, a large peacekeeping force made up of troops in the African union is now needed to allow the Darfurians to return to their homes and to verify that the government of Sudan is disarming the rebels. We must remember that the government of Sudan armed the rebels. We need independent monitors to ensure that they are disarmed. We need monitors and forensic experts on the ground to preserve the evidence for a future war crimes trial. Mr. Speaker, in closing, two points: Every day that we delay and hesitate, more people die. The United States must speak out loudly. We must not shy from calling it what it is: Genocide.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, as co-chair of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus I continue to be concerned that Russia has significant problems in honoring the universal human rights standards that are widely accepted in many parts of the world. Russia aspires to be a leading force on the world economic and political scene, but it is failing to respect some of the fundamental and universal principles of the rule of law, human rights and freedom of speech and expression. I am concerned about freedom of expression in Russia, given the fact that the Russian government's commitment to independent and free media, freedom of assembly, and religious freedom appear to be wavering. In fact, Russia's last major non-state television station was eliminated in 2003 as a result of government pressure. This is a disturbing trend which is in stark contrast to the value placed on freedom of speech by other democracies around the world. Earlier this year the State Department released its annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, which included documentation of many abuses. Serious violations of basic human rights in Chechnya were highlighted including unlawful killings, abuse of civilians and Chechen fighters and politically motivated disappearances. The report also mentioned that the December 7, 2003, Duma elections failed to meet international standards. Factors undermining party competition included criminal charges and threats of arrest or actual arrest against major financial supporters of opposition parties and the seizure of party materials from opposition parties. I remain concerned that Russia is named in the State Department's annual report on trafficking in persons as a tier two country and this year was placed on the tier two ``special watch list.'' Trafficking in persons is an evil that must be directly confronted and ended. Countries that fall under the special watch list have high numbers of trafficking victims and fail to provide evidence of increasing efforts to combat severe forms of trafficking from the previous year. Russia is named as the largest source country in Europe for trafficking and is a significantly large transit country. It is my hope that the Russian government will acknowledge the extent of its trafficking problem and play a more active role in ending trafficking in the region. I also am concerned that Russia still does not fully accept or encourage religious freedom. The 2004 annual report on religious freedom by the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom states about Russia: ``A federal law on religious organizations enacted in 1997 contains provisions that have prevented some religious groups from registering and thus practicing freely. Regional governments have often passed ordinances that result in discrimination against minority religious groups, and acts of violence against members of religious minorities are widespread. ``In the past few years, however, trends have emerged that have raised serious questions about Russia's commitment to democratic reform and protection of religious freedom. Russian authorities have denied registration efforts of certain religious communities, based on the allegedly insufficient time they have existed, despite a February 2002 Russian Constitutional Court decision that found that an active religious organization registered before the 1997 law could not be deprived of its legal status for failing to re-register. The government has meddled in the internal affairs of religious communities, including the Jewish and orthodox Old Believer communities.'' The U.S. Congress must speak out about human rights abuses around the world. It is my hope that Russia will begin to encourage religious freedom, crack down on trafficking in persons and comply with international standards on human rights. I would like to submit for the Record an article from The Wall Street Journal, highlighting the concern for the lack of rule of law in Russia. [From the Wall Street Journal, July 12, 2004] Lawless Russia The murder of Forbes Russian Editor-in-Chief Paul Klebnikov on a Moscow street Friday night was the most dramatic display yet of the lawlessness that has Russia in its grip. Prosecutor General Vladimir Ustinov says he has taken ``personal control'' of the case, a suggestion that the Russian state is finally conscious of its bad image in the world. But under its present leadership, the state is itself an important part of the problem. The 41-year-old Mr. Klebnikov was a brilliant journalist and student of Russian history. He had written for our pages several times, most recently last November when he argued that the arrest of Russia's richest businessman, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, was a blow against the ``kleptocracy'' that had enriched itself with state assets under Boris Yeltsin's privatization program. He knew a lot about the subject, having written a controversial 2000 book, ``Godfather of the Kremlin,'' about one of the leading Russian oligarchs, Boris Berezovsky. In the May issue of Forbes Russia, Mr. Klebnikov broke the news that Moscow has more dollar billionaires than New York City. The magazine, licensed by Forbes of the U.S. and published by the German Axel Springer organization, published the names of Russia's 100 richest business leaders, giving them the sort of attention many don't welcome. Mr. Klebnikov was not afraid to make powerful enemies in the interest of honest journalism. In a recent book, ``Darkness at Dawn,'' David Satter, a former Journal Moscow correspondent, wrote that Russia has been taken over by a criminal elite in which gangsters, businesses and corrupt officials work together. The result is a climate of fear and public cynicism. The collapse of communism, with its history of state-sponsored violence, left a moral vacuum that persists in a different form. Some of the modern thugs got their training with the Soviet secret police. The Committee to Protect Journalists, which records attacks on journalists throughout the world, cites Russia as a special problem. Attempts to shut up the press have been made by the Federal Security Bureau, formerly the KGB. Russian President Vladimir Putin, who has systematically seized control of Russian TV, retains some of the habits he developed when he himself was a KGB functionary. Yet Mr. Putin is welcomed to international parleys, such as G-8 meetings, as if he were the leader of a normal country. The murder of Paul Klebnikov demonstrates that Russia is not a normal country. Perhaps it's time for the leaders of free democracies to ask Mr. Putin whether the rule of law exists in Russia.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support H.R. 1587, The Vietnam Human Rights Act of 2004 and commend Representative Chris Smith for his leadership on this issue. In 2001, the House of Representatives passed a similar bill, but unfortunately the human rights situation in Vietnam continues to get worse. The United States will soon ratify the U.S.-Vietnam bilateral trade agreement. We must send a strong message that trade with the United States should come with a responsibility to uphold basic human rights. The Government of Vietnam continues to commit serious abuses in violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It continues to jail writers, scientists, journalists, and religious leaders. This year's State Department human rights countries report on Vietnam is 24 pages long and cites numerous violations including: The Government of Vietnam's human rights record remained poor, and it continued to commit serious abuses. The government continues to deny the right of citizens to change their government . . . The government significantly restricted freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, and freedom of association . . . The government did not permit human rights organizations to form or operate. Violence and societal discrimination against women remained a problem. Child prostitution was a problem. I am very concerned that religious activity is extremely restricted in Vietnam and reports that over 400 Christian churches in the Central Highlands have been forcibly closed. Imprisonment and harassment of Protestants and Catholics continue and many religious leaders are under house arrest. Many Christians have been forced to renounce their faith. I also remain extremely concerned about the recent crackdown against Montagnard ethnic minorities in Vietnam, many of whom are Christians. Thousands of Montagnards who gathered to protest ongoing religious repression and confiscation of tribal lands last Easter were met with brutal force by Vietnamese agents and security forces. Three years ago, Father Thaddeus Nguyen Ly, a Catholic priest, submitted testimony to the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. On October 21, 2001, Father Ly was sentenced to 15 years in prison by the Vietnam government. Father Ly has done nothing more than call for religious freedom in Vietnam. The U.S. House has repeatedly called for Father Ly's release and expressed growing concern about the poor human rights record of the Government of Vietnam. We have been met by silence from the Government of Vietnam. I continue to ask the State Department to designate Vietnam as a ``country of particular concern'' (CPC) for its systematic and ongoing religious freedom abuses. The Commission on International and Religious Freedom recommended Vietnam be listed as a CPC last year. This latest incident in the Central Highlands, along with the Vietnamese government's relentless repression of ethnic minority religious groups, clearly supports the need for CPC this year. It is my hope that the State Department will act this year. I support the Vietnam Human Rights Act. Hanoi must begin to make significant progress toward releasing political and religious prisoners and respecting human rights of all minorities. In closing, we in the United States must continue to speak out for the innocent wherever they are. This is our duty. Those suffering persecution are encouraged when the United States speaks out on their behalf. Ridding the world of repressive dictators will take time, patience and persistence, and we must press on toward the goal of freedom for all people. We, as a country, and we, as individuals, must have the courage to take on tough issues. Human rights are God-given rights. We should not accept anything less.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding me this time; and I thank his position, too. I want to thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Jackson) for offering this and all the comments that have been made. Senator Brownback and I were in the Sudan, Darfur, a week and a half ago, where we witnessed firsthand the destruction and immense suffering taking place at the hand of the Janjaweed militia and the government of Sudan. I think members of the subcommittees have to know the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide describes genocide as acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, national, ethnic, racial or religious groups. Specifically, it cited killing members of the group. Thousands of black Africans have been killed. I heard a report yesterday from somebody on the scene that saw a mass grave, 14 black Africans face down, shot in the back of the head. It also says, causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group. We heard stories of rape and branding. Some women were told that they were being raped because they were African. One woman told us personally that the Janjaweed told her that she was being raped ``to create a lighter-skinned baby.'' We were given a letter from a group of women who were raped. There were 40-some women. This is what the letter says. ``We are 44 raped women. As a result of that savagery, some of us are pregnant, some have aborted, some took out their wombs, and some are still receiving medical treatment. We list the names,'' and all the names of the women are on the letter, ``of the raped women and state that we have high hopes in you and the international community to stand by us, not to forsake us to this tyrannical, brutal and racist regime which wants to eliminate us racially, bearing in mind that 90 percent of our sisters at this camp are widows.'' Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about physical destruction in whole, it is clear that the complete eradication of the Darfurian African population will occur if people do not return to their homes. We stood in burned-out villages. The Janjaweed have systematically ensured the villagers can no longer return. Bombing with bombers, Soviet helicopters, Janjaweed come in on camels and horses, kill the men, rape the women, brand the women, loot the village, put the loot on the helicopters, then torch the place and burn it up. Darfur is a harsh climate, so when you push people out of the villages, they die; and when people are forced to live in crowded IDP camps, they continue to die. I believe that after seeing with my own eyes, and Senator Brownback with his own eyes, that there are indications that what is happening in Darfur meets the test of genocide. Now, people may not want to say that, but when you see it, no matter what we call it, genocide, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity, people are dying on a massive scale, which is unacceptable, what the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Jackson) said. I think what matters now is action. The United Nations Security Council needs to take immediate steps to end this crisis. A large peacekeeping force made up of troops from the African union is needed to allow Darfurians to return to their homes and to verify that the government of Sudan is disarming the rebels. Without having a verification group in there, there is no way to know if what they say they are doing is really, really being done. We must remember that the government of Sudan armed the rebels, so we need independent monitors to ensure that they are disarmed. We also need monitors, including forensic experts on the ground, to preserve the evidence for future war crime trials. In any event, I thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis) for the time, and I, too, thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Jackson). And he has been out talking about this for a long time. Every day we delay and hesitate, more people die. We are told in the one IDP camp, Abu Shouk, nine people die every day. We left Abu Shouk several days ago, and by those estimates, if you count, in essence, nine people, so the clock runs in that one camp, and then there are many, many other camps. And Abu Shouk, where all these people died, is probably the best-run camp in that region. So I think it is important to adopt this and also to put pressure, and I think the Bush administration has done a good job. I think John Danforth has to be very aggressive, though. Up at the U.N., some of our allies are not with us on the Security Council resolution, and I think the more pressure and the more the world faces this and addresses it, you will not be able to say when people write stories about this that we did not know, because we now know. We have seen it with our own eyes. We have talked to people that have seen it, and we now know.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith).

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this amendment; but the committee will look at this issue, because I tend to agree with the gentleman on the circumstances involved. If they want to retire, they should retire. But, unfortunately, I do not think this amendment gets to that. The amendment would effectively reduce the amount of funds available to the U.S. Court of Federal Claims. A $7.5 million reduction would more than fully encompass the entire budget of the Clerk's office, both operating expenses, as well as salaries and benefits for the approximately 30 staff employed by the court, which is currently about $3 million. It is uncertain how the remaining reduction would be absorbed, since most of the remaining costs are contractual, rent and the judges' salaries and benefits. So while the judges and chambers staff would remain on board, with no Clerk's office staff or operating funding, the court would eventually cease operations, few if any cases could be tried, and the backlog would grow. In addition, this would result in extreme delay for plaintiffs in the more than 2,000 cases that are currently pending before the court that are waiting to have their cases against the U.S. Government. In addition, because the court was created in part to give citizens a court with jurisdiction to consider claims against the government, it would not be unreasonable to think that this could be viewed by some as a way to eliminate the government's liability in cases brought against it. So for those reasons, what it would do to the court, I oppose the amendment. But I would urge the Committee on the Judiciary to look into this whole issue of terms. I think once they are judges, they are judges. When they retire, to take a senior status and take no or few cases and still draw their full salary, quite frankly, it is not right. So I think what the committee will do is to draft a letter, send a letter to the court of claims, the chief justice, to ask them to look into this. But I do not want to shut the whole court down. Because of that, I oppose the amendment.