Frank Wolf

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Goodlatte).

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. LaHood).

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Chambliss).

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Goss).

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the remainder of the time. Mr. Speaker, in closing I want to thank all the Members for coming, and every word that was said today was accurate. I listened to every word, every word, from where Norm sat, to his sense of humor, to his character, to the comment about being a Member's Member, to the comment with regard to bipartisanship, every word, I can attest and I know that Members that are listening here, and every word that was said today was accurate. Norm made a great difference, and he will be missed.

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution. The previous question was ordered.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on H. Res. 107.

Mr. WOLF of Virginia

Mr. WOLF of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, this is a young girl whose arm was cut off that the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall) and I saw while we were in Sierra Leone. The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall) is exactly right, and I want to congratulate him for that. I also want to send a message to the lobbyists who have been hired by some of the powerful firms in this city and in this country, when you lobby for the diamond industry against the bill of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall), you are, in essence, validating the cutting off of the arm of this young child. Having practiced law in this town for a number of years, I will tell my colleagues the law firms that are being hired will some day be held accountable for what they are doing, because they have within them the ability to bring about the passage of Mr. Hall's legislation and keep the diamonds and the war and the killing to stop, not only in Sierra Leone, but in Angola and in the Congo. I rise today with the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall), my colleague and good friend, to speak in support of this bill to address the trade in blood diamonds. Millions have died in Africa because of the blood shed with regard to diamonds. Rebel groups, as the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall) said, in Sierra Leone, Angola, the Congo, where I just visited have committed horrible atrocities to gain control in and to profit from diamonds and the diamond mines, with regard to drugs, with regard to weapons and diamonds. Last year, traveling with the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall), we went to Sierra Leone and saw the devastation. This is an individual whose picture a staff member from the office of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall) took while there and other men and women who have their arms off. Some talked about their ears were off. Others were asked do you want to short sleeve or a long sleeve. If they said a short sleeve, their arm was cut off here; a long sleeve, it was cut off there. In Sierra Leone, an estimated 75,000 have died because of the rebel campaign. Diamonds are fueling this issue in the Congo and Sierra Leone and in Angola. In the Congo where I visited, the same effect is taking place. These diamond wars are notorious for the atrocities and aggressors committed against innocent victims. In all three countries, the civilian population has been the victims of the war crimes. So I want to thank the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall), and I see the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), the chairman, who was there who has done such a great job on this issue, who have led the way on how the Congress in this country and hopefully this administration treats Charles Taylor who is, in essence, a war criminal in Liberia who is funding the efforts. I will just say that passage of this bill will stop the killing, stop the maiming. If you are a lawyer downtown and the diamond industry comes to you and asks you to represent them to oppose the bill of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall), think about it. Because, in essence, you are representing the people, the people that have been responsible for this. The bill of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall) is a responsible bill. It is a balanced bill. I think he is exactly right. We do not want to see a boycott against the diamond industry. We do not want to hurt the jewelers in this country. We do not want to hurt the legitimate diamond merchants in the world and some of the good places in Africa that are doing it. So by the passage of the bill of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall), we can resolve this issue and stop the killing of people and the cutting off of arms.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, today I am introducing a bill to provide a $500 tax credit for telework. The purpose of my legislation is to provide an incentive to encourage more employers to consider telework for their employees. Telework should be a regular part of the 21st century workplace. The best part of telework is that it improves the quality of life for all. Nearly 20 million Americans telework today, and according to experts, 40 percent of American jobs are compatible with telework. Telework reduces traffic congestion and air pollution. It reduces gas consumption and our dependency on foreign oil. Telework is good for families--working parents have flexibility to meet everyday demands. Telework provides people with disabilities greater job opportunities. Telework helps fill our nation's labor market shortage. It is also a good way for retirees to pick up part-time work. Companies save significantly when they have a strong telecommuting program. At one national telecommunications company, nearly 25 percent of its employees work from home at least one day per week. The company found positive results in the way of fewer days of sick leave, better worker retention, higher productivity, and increased morale. According to a George Mason University (Fairfax, VA) study, for every 1 percent of the Washington metropolitan region workforce that telecommutes, there is a 3 percent reduction in traffic delays. George Mason University completed another study which suggests that on Friday mornings there is a 2- to 4-percent drop in traffic volume in the Washington metro region, a so-called ``Friday effect.'' This is promising news because it means that with just a 1- to 2- percent increase in the number of commuters who leave their cars parked and instead telework just one or two days per week, we could get to the so-called ``Friday effect'' all week long. Two years ago, I participated in Virginia Governor James Gilmore's telework task force. I want to take the opportunity to congratulate Governor Gilmore for his strong leadership and involvement in telework. The governor's task force made a number of recommendations to increase and promote telework. One recommendation was to establish a tax credit toward the purchase and installation of electronic and computer equipment that allow an employee to telework. For example, the cost of a computer, fax machine, modem, phone, printer, software, copier, and other expenses necessary to enable telework could count toward a tax credit, provided the person worked at home a minimum number of days per year. My legislation today would provide a $500 tax credit ``for expenses paid or incurred under a teleworking arrangement for furnishings and electronic information equipment which are used to enable an individual to telework.'' For example, the cost of a computer, fax machine, modem, software, etc., as well as home office furnishings would apply toward the credit. An employee must telework a minimum of 75 days per year to qualify for the tax credit. Both the employer and employee are eligible for the tax credit, but the tax credit goes to whomever absorbs the expense for setting up the at-home worksite. I have stated before that work is something you do, not someplace you go. Hopefully we can make telework a commonplace as the morning traffic report. There is nothing magical about strapping ourselves into a car and driving sometimes up to an hour and a half, arriving at a workplace and sitting before a computer. We can access the same information from a computer in our living rooms. Wouldn't it be great if we could replace the evening rush hour commute with time spent with the family, or coaching little league or other important quality of life matters? Mr. Speaker, I hope our colleagues will consider signing on as a cosponsor of this proposal to promote telework and provide choices for employees in the workplace.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, today I am reintroducing a bill calling for a tough, comprehensive review of the Federal Aviation Administration. The legislation would establish a commission to focus on the critical need to improve aviation safety and to reduce airline delays. It would examine both air traffic services and safety oversight by the FAA, and make recommendations on both the organizational structure and processes of the agency. This is the perfect time, with a new administration entering the White House, for an unbiased, impartial and independent commission to begin working toward a solution to make our skies safer and our airports more efficient. We owe it to the American traveling public to make our skies as safe as possible and to put an end to the horrendous delays we so often hear about and experience. We should all be concerned about aviation safety. As air travel has increased, we have seen increases in runway incursions, operational errors among air traffic controllers, and near midair collisions. In 1999, one in five flights arrived late, with each delay averaging about 50 minutes. According to Ken Mead, inspector general for the Department of Transportation, when cancellations are added in, it's nearly one in four. A total of 1.5 million flights were delayed or canceled last year. Since 1978, the number of daily departures has doubled and the number of passengers has risen 250 percent. In 1999, U.S. airlines carried 694 million passengers on 13 million flights. As air travel continues to increase, we need to ask whether FAA is up to the job of adequate safety oversight, and whether Congress can do more to guide the agency. Mr. Speaker, the Boeing Company recently called for the need for a new air traffic control system and even offered to fund improvements to the system themselves. A recent letter from D.J. Carty, chairman, president and CEO of American Airlines, says that American continues to be concerned about the airline industry's ability to serve the public transportation needs due to air traffic control and airport capacity constraints. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, representing over three million businesses, recently stated that the air transport crisis is damaging our economy with delays and congestion costing industry and its shippers over $5 billion annually. Tom Donohue, Chamber president stated that skyrocketing demand and stagnant capacity are crippling the nation's aviation network and that we need a national strategy to streamline runway and airport construction and modernize our outdated air traffic control system. Mr. Speaker, I also point out that operational errors among air traffic controllers are up significantly, as controllers try to cope with increasing traffic bearing down on crowded hub airports. At the same time these errors are up, the FAA has announced a plan to significantly reduce the number of operational supervisors available to assist and monitor that traffic. These errors have risen by 25 percent in the past two years alone. In addition, runway incursions continue to go up, raising cries of alarm from the National Transportation Safety Board, the Office of Inspector General, and the Congress. The inspector general told the transportation appropriations subcommittee seven months ago ``this safety issue is one that demands constant high-level attention,'' so we called for higher budgets, monthly reports and a national summit on the issue. Yet the most recent report shows that runway incursions have not gone down. They continue to go through the roof. In addition, FAA has been unable to address the growing problem of airline delays. In the summer of 1999, delays were so high that the FAA announced a special review of its traffic management programs. This review concluded that the agency could do a lot more to provide efficient movement of aircraft around the country. Immediate improvements were promised. However, the delays of the past summer were just as high as the year before, It not worse. The American traveling public is getting tired of these horrible delays. Business meetings are canceled, family gatherings are disrupted, and commercial deals are passed up when airline commerce does not flow smoothly. I hear my colleagues complain practically every day about the incredible and unacceptable airline delays. For those of us who fly often, our quality of life is greatly diminished because of this problem. The commission I propose would take a comprehensive approach, and it would focus on ways to improve aviation safety for the benefit of all Americans. Specifically, the bill would establish a Commission for Comprehensive Review of the FAA. It would look at both air traffic services and safety oversight by the agency, and make recommendations on both the organizational structure and processes of the agency. However, the recommendations must address FAA's organization within the existing structure of government, rather than through privatization. The commission would have 24 members appointed by the President, and would include representatives from airlines, airports, employee unions, and pilots as well as the DOD and other relevant federal entities. The legislation requires that the commission request must be submitted to the Congress within one year of enactment. Mr. Speaker, there is a great opportunity for the new administration to start off with a fresh approach in aviation. It is the perfect time for an unbiased, impartial and independent commission to present new findings--focusing on aviation safety--to help guide the FAA in the right direction for the future. The recommendations from this commission could be extremely helpful to the new President and the new Congress as we consider how to make our aviation system more safe and efficient for the U.S. citizens and those who visit our country. Ideally, as soon as the commission reports its findings, legislation could be considered by Congress to implement the recommendations so that we can quickly move forward to make the changes needed to correct the long-standing problems at the FAA.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Madam Speaker, in Sudan 2.2 million people have died, mainly Christians, who have been persecuted by the north. There is slavery in Sudan today in the year 2001. Now the oil companies are going into the Sudan, some traded on the New York Stock Exchange. An article in World Magazine by Mindy Belz says the following: ``China's petroleum firm reportedly purchased a high tech radar system for the government last year. It was installed last summer, and since then government bombing raids against southern targets, mostly churches and humanitarian relief operations, have increased. The U.N. private humanitarian agencies, local churches and village leaders have confirmed the 152 air attacks.'' Oil money listed on the New York Stock Exchange buying radar so they can kill Christians, and this Congress and this administration is not speaking out? [From the World Magazine, Mar. 10, 2001] Blood for Oil (By Mindy Belz) Divisions among Sudan's Islamic factions could weaken the regime, but, in the meantime, oil companies are strengthening President Omar el-Bashir's ability to wage war. Overseas oil consortiums began pumping oil from south- central Sudan in 1999. Farther east, they rapidly explored another oil region and expect to begin yielding oil exports soon. The new trade brings in over $400 million in revenue for Khartoum, more than enough to finance the war it has waged against south Sudan for nearly 18 years. Experts say one of the reasons that war has been so protracted is that the government has not had enough resources to do battle competently--until now. Overseas companies currently operate in three oil concessions, all falling in contested areas of southern Sudan. The Khartoum government has said it will lease two more this year. China's state-owned oil business, Chinese National Petroleum Company (CNPC), and the private Canadian firm, Calgary-based Talisman Energy, Inc., are the largest participants in Sudan's fledgling oil trade. They expect south Sudan's oilfields to double their daily output for export--currently at 85,000 barrels--by 2005. During that time Sudan likely will build another oil pipeline, probably east to Ethiopia and through territory currently held by rebels. Smaller European oil companies, along with Malaysia's Petronas, also have oil operations in south and southwest Sudan. Last month Sudan signed a memorandum of understanding with Russia, opening its way to exporting oil via the Red Sea. You don't have to tell Americans--at least those who remember gas-ration lines--that oil politics come only in high-test. With Sudan it is no different. The companies already on the ground have made big investments to break in, and they want to protect their holdings. So China's petroleum firm reportedly purchased a high-tech radar system for the government last year. It was installed last summer, and since then government bombing raids against southern targets (mostly churches and humanitarian relief operations) have increased--the UN, private humanitarian agencies, local churches, and village leaders have confirmed 152 air attacks last year. Talisman Energy opened to government forces an airstrip that it built near its oil concession. To compensate, Talisman posts a special page on its website for ``Sudan Operating Principles,'' including information about its efforts to enact a ``code of ethics'' for operating in a war zone. Meanwhile, the UN reports that this year nearly 40,000 people have been displaced from these oil regions. ``The oil- rich area of Sudan has seen a great deal of population displacement and in fact is currently one of the most insecure areas in Sudan,'' said Nicholas Siwingwa, deputy country director of the UN's World Food Program. He said nearly a third of those forced out of the area are malnourished. Most have lost their homes and holdings permanently because they were burned to the ground by government forces. The report was a concession to private humanitarian groups. U.S. Committee for Refugees director Roger Winter had earlier challenged the UN agency to ``make clear that ethnic cleansing linked to oil development in southern Sudan is causing massive civilian displacement.'' But Mr. Siwingwa would only acknowledge that it was ``possible'' oil development was contributing to the further horrors of war.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I speak today after reading in a local paper that Delegate Harry J. Parrish, of Manassas, Virginia, has recently been recognized by the Virginia General Assembly for 50 years of public service. I want to bring to my colleagues' attention some highlights of this gentleman's exemplary career of service to the people of Manassas, the Commonwealth of Virginia and the United States of America. Delegate Harry Parrish was born on February 19, 1922, on a farm in Fairfax County, Virginia. Shortly after his birth, his family moved to Manassas where his father bought a coal and ice company and renamed it the Manassas Ice and Fuel Company, Inc., which is still in existence today. As he was growing up, his father encouraged him to pursue flying, an interest that led him to fly for the U.S. Air Force. Mr. Parrish graduated from Osbourn High School in 1940 where he was a member of Prince William County's first high school football team. He then attended Virginia Polytechnic Institute to seek a degree in business administration. His courses were accelerated at the onset of the American involvement in World War 11, and in 1942, Mr. Parrish enlisted in the U.S. Army Air Corps, which later became the U.S. Air Force. Mr. Parrish had a remarkable and distinguished military career. He was one of only 17 Americans hand selected to attend the Royal Air Force Flight School, No. 5 where he graduated as a pilot, navigator, bombardier, radio operator and armaments man. Through his extensive training, Mr. Parrish became one of the legendary pilots who served in the China-Burma-India Theater where he ``flew the hump'' and delivered vital war supplies to our troops. Of all his accomplishments, his experiences in World War 11 are the moments in his life of which he is the most proud. While on active duty, Mr. Parrish was a flight commander, squadron commander, wing operations officer and base operations officer. Following the war, Mr. Parrish went into the Air Force Reserves and served active tours of duty in the Korean and Vietnam wars. Mr. Parrish retired from the Air Force in 1971 with the rank of full colonel and with multiple awards and decorations including the Air Medal with Two Oak Leaf Clusters and the Distinguished Flying Cross. After the war, Mr. Parrish returned home to work for his father in his ice and fuel business. Mr. Parrish again followed in his father's footsteps when he began serving the Town of Manassas in 1951 as town councilman. He served as councilman until being elected mayor of Manassas in 1963. Mr. Parrish served as mayor for 18 years during which time the town became a city. His service as mayor had such a positive impact on Manassas that in 1973 he was named the ``Town of Manassas Man of the Century.'' He left his position as mayor and ran successfully for a seat in the Virginia House of Delegates in 1981, a post which he holds to this day. Mr. Parrish is currently the co-chairman of the House Finance Committee and a member of the House Committees on Conservation and Natural Resources, Commerce and Labor, Corporations, Insurance and Banking, Rules and Joint Rules. Mr. Parrish also serves on numerous state and local legislative and civic boards including the joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission, the Virginia Coal and Energy Commission, and Virginia Veterans Cemetery Board. He is now the chairman of the board of the company his father began in 1922, the Manassas Ice and Fuel Company, Inc., and his son, Hal, is the president. He has served as president of the Virginia Municipal League and on the boards of United Virginia Bank and Crestar Bank. Mr. Parrish is one of the founders of the Prince William Hospital where he has served on the board of directors. Mr. Parrish has been involved in far too many community clubs and groups to mention all of them at this time. Mr. Parrish is a member of Grace United Methodist Church in Manassas, the Kiwanis Club of Manassas, the American Red Cross, the Society for Preservation of Black Heritage, and Boy Scouts of America. He has also been a member of the Manassas Volunteer Fire Company since 1948. In addition to the honors and credit to his name that I have already mentioned, he has also received the Distinguished Service Award from the Virginia Oil Men's Association and in 1998 was recognized by his peers by being named Virginia Oil Man of the Year. Also, in 1995 he served, along with his wife Mattie, as the grand marshal of the Manassas Christmas Parade. He met Mattie during his years at Osbourn High School in Manassas where they have been sweethearts since eighth grade. Mattie has been an incredible source of support and devotion ever since. They have two children and three grandchildren. The most amazing thing about Mr. Parrish is that despite his long and distinguished career, he remains without a doubt one of the most humble public servants that can be found anywhere. Throughout his 50 years of public service and during his time in the military, he has shown extraordinary and tireless dedication to his country, state, city, church and family. Mr. Speaker, I know that my colleagues join me in commending Delegate Harry Parrish for achieving 50 years of remarkable public service.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to welcome Reverend Ed Schreiber and thank him for delivering our opening prayer this morning. At 96 years of age, Pastor Schreiber recently became the oldest person ever to graduate from Memphis Theological Seminary. Although Reverend Schreiber is not from my congressional district, I read about him in the Winchester Star, a newspaper from my district, and I was extremely impressed by his courage and determination of this man to seek a seminary degree in his 90s. Reverend Schreiber spent his childhood in Augusta, Georgia, and his adult life in Nashville where he worked as a schoolteacher and as municipal planner. After more than 20 years into his retirement and after a painful death of his wife in 1991, Reverend Schreiber felt called to pursue a seminary degree. He began his studies at the age of 92 and did not let much of anything slow him down. The Reverend was ordained as a pastor in the Cumberland Presbyterian denomination last June. He is also the chaplain of the Prime Timers, an active senior citizen group based out of his own church, Brookhaven Cumberland Presbyterian Church. He attributes love for living, friends, a sense of purpose, a sense of humor, faith in God for his continuing energy. He believes that now, at his age of 96, at 96, he is being called to be a more credible witness for God. His tenacity and heeding to a calling is, quite frankly, I think, an inspiration to us all. I welcome him to the Chamber today.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, today marks the 90th birthday of former President Ronald Reagan, a decent and honorable man, who had the unique ability to see what was best about America and appeal to ``the better angels of our nature.'' He came into office when America was suffering from a crisis of confidence, and he gave us back our voice. By invoking images of a ``shining city upon a hill'' he reminded Americans not only of our national heritage, but of how the oppressed and downtrodden of the world looked to this nation for leadership. In my recent trip to Africa I was again reminded of how incredibly blessed America is. It is my firm belief that to whom much is given much is required. Those who are oppressed and downtrodden today still view this nation as Ronald Reagan described it a decade ago--a ``shining city upon a hill''--a beacon of hope and democracy. And so, in the spirit of President Reagan's birthday I ask that you take a moment to reflect on how we can continue to embrace this calling. While the Cold War is over, the Berlin Wall is down, and Soviet communism is in the ash heap of history as Reagan predicted it would be, there are still those fighting for the freedom that we so often take for granted. Whether it be the persecuted House Church pastor in China or the frightened civilian in the Sudanese marketplace praying not to be the unlucky target of daily bombing raids, these people demand a voice. President Reagan was a champion for human rights in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. He spoke up in defense of freedom and democracy. He raised the cases of dissidents during his high-level meetings with Soviet officials. He made passionate and eloquent speeches outlining America's values. He engaged, but he engaged forthrightly and he backed up engagement with action. President Reagan once said, ``We must be staunch in our conviction that freedom is not the sole prerogative of a lucky few, but the inalienable and universal right of all human beings.'' Sadly President Reagan does not remember the hope that his words provided to millions living behind the Iron Curtain. But we can not forget. For while the times and circumstances may have changed, the yearning for freedom has not. We send our best wishes today to Ronald Reagan and with those wishes go our appreciation as a grateful nation that we were fortunate enough to have him serve as our President.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, today I am reintroducing the Responsible Debt Relief and Democracy Reform Act. This legislation, which I first introduced in the 106th Congress, is intended to provide debt relief to poor countries that have an insurmountable debt burden and to encourage these same countries to implement reforms for sound democracy and the maintenance of a civil society. Having just returned from a trip to Central Africa where I visited the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Burundi, and Sudan, I am convinced that responsibly provided debt relief to the poorest countries of the world is one of the best ways to help the poor and the suffering. The countries I recently visited are among the poorest of the world. Life in those countries and throughout Africa is not easy. Death, famine, disease and pain are a constant as millions struggle to survive another day. A recent report by the United Nations says that 180 million people in sub-Saharan Africa are undernourished. Some children go days without a meal. Malnourishment lowers immune systems and horrible diseases take hold. The AIDS virus is reaching epidemic proportions. Seventy percent of the world's AIDS cases are in Africa where more than 16,000 people a day are infected. More than 2 million Africans died of AIDS in 2000. There are 16 African countries where more than 10 percent of the adult population is infected with AIDS. Hunger and disease lead the list as the major crises facing the poorest countries of the world. But there are also other similar characteristics: most of these countries struggle with democracy or with bad governance; they also are caught in a downward spiral of debt, causing difficult and uncertain futures. Many of the poorest countries must spend an exorbitant amount of their budgets simply to make their debt payments. The rock singer, Bono, a vocal advocate for providing debt relief to heavily indebted poor countries, says, ``A country like Niger, with a life expectancy of 47 years, spends more paying off their debts than on health and education combined.'' Indeed, a country like Niger is not alone. Debt payments can consume as much as 30-40 percent of a poor country's revenue. The chances of these countries ever paying back their loans is slim to none. Realistically, none of heir debt is going to be repaid. The poor countries of the world have an alarmingly low life expectancy rate, with reports indicating that the average person in Sierra Leone only lives for 27 years. Canceling or reducing the debt of the poorest countries of the world is an opportunity for the U.S. to alleviate the suffering that these people face. Unfortunately, many of these poor countries facing insurmountable debt and needing democratic reform are in Africa. The new Bush Administration has a unique opportunity to make a difference in Africa. Throughout my trip, the constant refrain I heard was that the United States just needed to show it cared. No one asked for American troops to be deployed. They just want America to send a signal that it will begin to focus on the plight of Africa before another generation of young people is lost to civil war, famine, disease and AIDS. The U.S. can help provide hope and opportunity for those who may be hopeless. Providing debt relief to the poorest governments of the world, if done in the right way, can free these governments to better address the needs of their own people. But simply canceling a country's debt doesn't necessarily pave the way to good government. The governments of poor countries are often part of the problem. For a variety of reasons, poorly run governments frequently stand in the way of alleviating poverty or sickness or of providing hope and opportunity to the poorest of the poor. That is why the legislation I propose today will provide incentives to countries to reform their governments, to institute needed democratic reforms and basic structures of a civil society such as, respect for human rights, promoting religious freedom, freedom of the press, and freedom of association. The legislation says that debt by the U.S. will be provided to countries that meet the following requirements, as determined by the President of the U.S.: Freedom of the press. Freedom of association. An independent and non-discriminatory judiciary. Reduction or elimination of corruption relating to public officials, including the promulgation of laws prohibiting bribery of public officials and disclosure of assets by such officials; the establishment of an independent anti-corruption commission; the establishment of an independent agency to audit financial activities of public officials. Free and fair elections. Practice of internationally recognized human rights. Opposition to international terrorism as determined by the Secretary of State. The President may waive one or more of these requirements for emergency humanitarian relief purposes, if the President determines and certifies to Congress that it is in the national security interests of the U.S., or if the President determines that a recipient country is making demonstrable progress in the aforementioned areas. The President is to notify Congress of the justification for the determination of the countries that will receive a cancellation or reduction of debt according to the conditions in this legislation. Finally, this legislation conveys the sense of Congress that the President should instruct the U.S. director at each international financial institution to which the U.S. is a member to use the voice, vote, and influence of the U.S. to urge the cancellation or reduction of debt owed to the institution by a country only if the country meets the same requirements applicable in this legislation. We need to help the poorest countries overcome their debt burdens but it must be done responsibly. We must ensure that a dictator's pockets are not lined as a result of debt relief. That is why this legislation sets up a framework to help the poorest nations of the world in their struggle toward democracy, rather than just simply writing off their debt. This legislation says progress in democratic reforms, honoring human rights, and opposition to terrorism are important for developing our poor countries. It says that one of the ways to help the poor is to give them opportunities created by engendering democracy, transparency, and much needed relief from their country's overwhelming debt burden. Lastly it says that if those goals are met, the U.S. will help those countries struggling to help their citizens to a better, more prosperous life. Mr. Speaker, while this legislation may not be the perfect answer, I am hopeful it will provide the foundation for discussion on how to help the poor and give them opportunities so that the 107th Congress and the Bush Administration can deal with this important issue. I urge my colleagues to join me in co-sponsoring this bill.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I take this time today to report on my recent eight-day, six-country trip to Africa where I visited the Congo, Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, Sudan and Kenya. I left Washington on January 6 and returned January 14. I have closely followed events in Africa since being elected to Congress. My first trip to the continent was in 1984 when I went to Ethiopia to witness the heartbreaking famine which resulted in the death of hundreds of thousands of women and children. Mr. Speaker, I also have been to Algeria, Benin, Egypt, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Sierra Leone and Somalia. Let me begin by saying that there is far too much suffering going on in Africa. Pain and suffering are a constant. Too many children are dying of starvation, disease, war, and AIDS. 70 percent of the world's AIDS cases are in Africa, where more than 16,000 people a day are infected by the virus. More than 2 million Africans died of AIDS in the year 2000. The raging civil wars in both the Congo and Sudan are taking a tremendous toll on human life. More than 4 million, more than 4 million combined have died as a result of the two wars in the Congo and Sudan and millions have been displaced. My trip started in Kinshasa, the capitol of Congo. I visited Congo to help better understand the cause of a raging Civil War that has resulted in more than 1.7 million deaths since 1988, according to the International Rescue Committee, and to explore what, if any, role the United States may be able to play in bringing an end to the conflict. Mr. Speaker, I was there less than a week before Congolese President Laurent Kabila was assassinated. We met with him on January 8 in the Presidential palace. From Kinshasa, I traveled by plane 1,000 miles to what is called the Great Lakes Region in eastern Congo and spent a day in the town of Goma and a day in the town of Bukavu. I met with the rebel leadership, women's groups, clergy, average Congolese citizens and representatives of a number of nongovernmental organizations. I also met with the American missionaries. And I might say. Few of the people that we spoke with support the rebel leadership in this part of the Congo. Life is not easy for the average Congolese. There are few schools or hospitals and little potable water. Children go hungry. Women live in fear. I heard horrific stories and tales of rape and abuse by different armed forces and soldiers who come into one village, take the food, rape the women, do different things. Three days later a different group comes in. So life for the average person, particularly women and children, is very, very grim. Soldiers are everywhere; most are young boys or men carrying automatic weapons. I visited Rwanda to learn more about the reconciliation process the country is going through following a genocide of more than 800,000 ethnic Tutsis in 1994. My trip to Burundi followed for similar reasons. From 1993 to the year 2000, violence between Hutu and Tutsi ethnic factions in Burundi has left more than 250,000 people dead and created hundreds of thousands refugees. In Rwanda, the first place we visited was Murambi Technical School, which is now a genocide site. The world seems to forget, but over the course of 100 days, in the spring of 1994, more than 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were systematically murdered in Rwanda as part of ethnic genocide. Some 50,000 people were slaughtered in the villages near the Murambi Technical School that we visited. Contorted skeletons now rest on wooden tables in 18 of the school's classrooms. Some are missing limbs. Others have arms over their heads, as if trying to protect themselves from their killers. One room was filled with just skulls, and they were hacked to death with machetes and most skulls are fragmented from being smashed. In Kigali, the capitol of Rwanda, I met with President Paul Kagame, members of the Parliament and NGOs. Rwanda needs to pull its troops out of the Congo as do the other countries that have troops in Congo. Having said that, I do understand the security concerns that the Rwandans have, particularly with what took place with regards to the genocide, but some now appear to have other motives. They have fought, at least the Rwandans and the Ugandans, have fought at least three times over diamonds and other minerals near the town of Kisangani. And Kisangani is far from the border where they are threatened by EXFAR and Interahamwe. I next visited Burundi primarily to speak at a prayer breakfast attended by Hutus and Tutsis. Like Rwanda, Burundi has experienced ethnic violence between the Hutus and Tutsis, and more than 250,000 people have been killed over the last decade. I also met with President Pierre Buyoya and members of the Parliament and, frankly, was very impressed with the efforts of reconciliation taking place both in Rwanda and also in Burundi. The last leg of my trip took us to Sudan, my fourth visit there in 11 years. Over the past two decades, a Civil War pitting the Khartoum government against the black Christians and others in the southern half of the country has cost more than 2 million lives in war and famine- related deaths, and millions more have been displaced. So in the last 17 years, over 2 million people, most black Christians and animists have died as a result of the Khartoum government in the North and with irreverence against those in the South. Regrettably, the situation in Sudan is no better today than in 1989, the first time I traveled to the war-torn region. The Khartoum regime continues to persecute members of different religious minorities, Christians, Muslim and animist, under the auspices of what they call the Sharia law. Since 1983, the government of Sudan has been waging a brutal war against factions in the South who are fighting for self determination and religious freedom. The Committee on Conscience of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum has issued a genocide warning for Sudan. It is important for the people in the West to know if the Holocaust Museum believes it is that significant, then those of us in Congress and in the administration should also take note of the genocide warning issued with regard to Sudan. Earlier, Mr. Speaker, today in the House, during the debate on the resolution on the day of remembrance for the victims of the Holocaust, we took time to speak out to remind the people of genocide that took place less than six decades ago. We need to remember. We need to speak out. Our voices should be raised today about the genocide taking place in Sudan. Mr. Speaker, I visited the southern town of Yei where the Khartoum government last November committed one of the most heinous acts of violence in the war, bombing a busy marketplace in the middle of the afternoon. Nineteen people were killed. Fifty-two were injured, 14 bombs were rolled out of the back of a Soviet-made Antonov bomber on November 20, the year 2000. No one was spared, women, children, young and old. I also saw a video that was given to me by an NGO when we were there taken of the bombing. The marketplace was packed. People had nowhere to hide. Some of those killed had their limbs blown off. Women and children were screaming as they witnessed the carnage. The photograph here shows one of the victims, one of the 19 victims of the bombing. Now, this is a civilian village. It is not a military target, and yet the Khartoum government of Sudan sends bombers over to bomb innocent women and children in the villages. Now, if you look at the definition of genocide that is recognized, clearly what is taking place in the Holocaust Museum is accurate: genocide in Southern Sudan, and here is an example. Yei is hundreds of miles from the front lines. It is not a military target, but on a daily basis a high-altitude Antonov bomber passes over the town. People are terrified by the bombing runs. You can see it in their eyes. You can hear it in their voices. Ask anyone what concerns them most and the refrain is ``the Antonov bomber.'' No one knows where the bombs are being dropped because the plane is sometimes beyond eyesight. Sometimes the planes fly overhead to play mind games with the residents of the town. Sometimes bombs randomly fall from the sky. They have hit churches, homes, hospitals, and sometimes the bombs are 55-gallon oil drums packed with dynamite and nails. The planes fly morning, noon, and night. An Antonov bomber flew over the town on January 13, the last morning I was in Yei. Panic set in. Psychological warfare is taking its toll. People are afraid to build houses or raise crops when they could be destroyed. Peddlers have dug foxholes in the marketplace so they can climb into the hole if a plane flies over, and they pray that the bombs fall somewhere else. We also saw a bomb shelter outside the hospital; people from the hospital went into the bomb shelter and then it was hit and people died. The bombing runs have become a major obstacle to daily life in Yei and throughout Southern Sudan. Last year nearly 100 innocent Sudanese were killed in bombings according to figures compiled by several NGOs in Southern Sudan. Bombs hit relief agency compounds and convoys, and getting food and supplies through Southern Sudan is difficult enough because of the deplorable conditions of the roads. It took us nearly 4 hours to travel from the border of Uganda to Yei. The actions of the Khartoum Government cannot and should not be tolerated any longer. It is a brutal, repressive regime. Government-sponsored militias torch houses and food supplies, and rape and murder with impunity. Civilian food production and supply lines are attacked, livestock is destroyed, and international relief is obstructed. In 1998 this strategy caused a famine in Southern Sudan that endangered millions and killed tens of thousands. Then there is the slavery issue. There is slavery in Sudan that we now know for a fact. Slave traders from the north sweep down in the villages and kidnap women and children and sell them for domestic servants or concubines. This is real-life chattel slavery in the 21st century in January and February of this year. There is also the issue of oil. In 1999 the Khartoum Government began earning hundreds of millions of dollars from oil exports. The hard currency that they are earning from these oil exports are now enabling them to buy new weapons. They are buying Soviet Hind helicopters, and they are killing people. So as they take the money, the oil from the revenue, which has now been listed on the stock exchange, the more money they get, the more helicopters they buy, the more weapons they buy, the more tanks they buy, the more people they kill. So the death rate will be increasing in Khartoum as the oil revenues increase for the Khartoum Government because they are using the hard currency to finance the weapons in the war to kill women and children. The Khartoum Government has doubled its spending on arms since it began exporting oil; and as I said, more people are going to die with the additional weapons that are being purchased. From my observations on this trip, we have several recommendations for the new administration. On the general issue of Africa, I would recommend that the new Bush administration move quickly to show an interest in Africa. A Presidential task force could be created to study Africa which could be made up of experts both in and out of government who have an expertise and interest and a sense of caring with regard to what is taking place in Africa, particularly with regard to women and children. The panel should make a top-to-bottom review of what policy the United States should take toward Africa, particularly sub-Saharan Africa. It should be charged with offering practical and strategic insight into the promotion of democracy, the prevention and spread of AIDS. Everywhere we went, the issue of AIDS came up over and over; in dealing with other diseases and economic development and trade and education and human rights and religious freedom and other aspects of improving life such as eliminating hunger for the average person in Africa. The panel should submit a country-by-country analysis as well as a regional analysis about the problems and challenges on what the United States should be doing with regard to Africa. There are many people in our government in the State Department and other agencies who have deep personal knowledge of Africa, and if they could be joined by some in academia and others to do this on a fast-track basis so we now know what the policy should be, how we deal country by country and region by region and problem by problem. Debt relief also must be addressed. Today I introduced the Responsible Debt Relief and Democracy Reform Act, legislation that will provide incentives to countries to institute democratic reforms and basic structures of civil society in order to receive debt relief. The problem is that it is the poorest people in the world and the poorest countries who suffer as a result of the government debt. Now, this has to be done in a way that as we forgive debt, they, an individual country, does things like bring about democracy, transparency, freedom of the press, freedom of movement; and this has to be done in a way that does not line the pockets of the dictators and the corrupt. Regarding the area of central Africa with the assassination of Congolese President Kabila on January 16, the situation in Central Africa is more complicated than ever. Kabila's son, Joseph, has been tapped the successor; but it is unclear how all of the Congo's rivals will react. Nevertheless, the United States needs to send a clear and early signal that it cares about the fate of Congo because I think we may have ignored it too long. And when you listen to what the new president, Joseph Kabila, says, he appears to be open and here is the opportunity. I said earlier that 1.7 million people in the Congo have died. There are millions more who are in the bush in a third of the Congo that cannot even be reached who may be dying on a daily basis and no food, and so there are many more that we cannot even get into the region to find out how bad life is for them. I also recommend that all foreign armies be publicly pressured to leave the Congo. In addition, something must be done to disarm and demobilize and resettle the former Rwandan Army and militia forces and the rebel factions warring in the Congo. When we ask the Rwandan Government to pull its soldiers out, we also have to have some mechanism whereby the Rwandans are comfortable that their border will be protected and those who did the mass genocide cannot come back in and do those things again. There are ways of doing it with balance. The United Nations should put together an assessment team to develop a strategy for withdrawal. The United States must forcefully speak out and act creatively on this issue. Our failure to speak out during the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 was wrong. The failure of the United States and the failure of the West not to speak out on the issue of genocide in 1994 was wrong and will go down as a dark day as historians look back on that period. We should not now remain silent on the issue of foreign troops because nearly 2 million people have already died in the Congo over the last few years and that number should not be allowed to continue to multiply. Regarding Sudan, I believe there should be a major effort on the part of the United States, the United Nations and the European Union to bring an end to the war in Sudan and peace with justice. Peace with justice has to be a priority of the Bush administration. Sudan is a litmus test; and as history looks back for those who care about human rights, about civil rights, and about religious persecution and about hunger, it should be viewed in terms of this decade's South Africa. The same amount of time and energy and resources should be put into ending the war in Sudan that was put into bringing democracy and freedom to South Africa. I recommend that a full-time high-profile envoy be appointed by President Bush to help bring peace to Sudan. This must be a person of national stature such as former Secretary of State Jim Baker or former U.N. Ambassador Richard Holbrooke. When President Clinton appointed former Senator Mitchell of Maine to be the special envoy for Ireland, everyone knew that Mitchell had President Clinton's ear. Any time Mitchell wanted Clinton to make a telephone call, he was able to get it done; and former Senator Mitchell should be commended for the outstanding job he did in bringing peace to Northern Ireland. When Tony Lake was working on the Ethiopian-Eritrean war, he was the special envoy, and when he needed something done, he was able to get President Clinton to do it. The envoy must be someone that the President and the Secretary of State have confidence in and has a real interest in seeing the conflict in Sudan resolved. The envoy also must have the President's ear. Clearly the envoy concept with somebody like Senator Mitchell worked in Ireland and I believe can work and will work in Sudan. Not to try it would be in essence sentencing the women and children in the south and the villages to continual death. One young man I spoke to said, I was born in this war and I am afraid I will die in this war. This is an opportunity for the new administration to really bring about peace and demonstrate that we can make a big, big difference. I also recommend that our allies in the region be pressured, be urged to be encouraged to become more engaged. Egypt. Egypt, for example, has tremendous influence over the Khartoum regime. The United States Government, the American taxpayer, everyone out there, should know that we have given over $45 billion in foreign aid to Egypt since the Camp David Accords were signed in 1978. Over $45 billion. We should use this leverage. Egypt should not be sitting by on the sidelines when this war is raging in Sudan where there are over 2.2 million people killed, where there is slavery, where there is terrorism problems. Many terrorist groups who operate in the Middle East have training camps and operate around Khartoum. Where the problem of hunger is growing, Egypt and other friendly countries like that who are friends of the United States should be urged to be engaged and be involved to help bring about the peace, as should our allies in Europe. I also believe it is important for the United States to support systems of local governance and sustenance in southern Sudan. Operation Lifeline of Sudan, which has cost billions, is subject to the control of the government of Sudan and it is manipulated by the Khartoum government to suit its objectives. The government claims that its territorial integrity is violated by foreign NGOs in the south trying to help the people it claims as citizens. And until the fighting actually ends and there is peace, the United States should strongly support the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement. In conclusion, from what I saw on the trip, I believe the Bush administration and the Congress, working together, have a unique opportunity to make a real difference in Africa and in Sudan, and now is the time to seize it. I was pleased to learn that the African bureau was the first section area our new Secretary of State Colin Powell visited at the State Department. That is a small step, but it was an extremely positive one. I am also pleased that Secretary Powell addressed Africa during his confirmation hearings. Africa and the world is watching. We can provide hope and opportunity to these people who have suffered so much, particularly in southern Sudan and in central Africa. The figures are hard to comprehend, but more than 4 million people, more than 4 million, a population larger than some of our largest cities, have died in Sudan and in the Congo. Four million. The number is staggering and the number is increasing. With more weapons being purchased, it is increasing more. With more child soldiers running rampant through the Congo and Sudan it is increasing more. We cannot, we in the Congress and those in the Bush administration, cannot allow the suffering to continue without trying, without making an effort. The Bush administration has a unique opportunity to make a difference in Africa. Throughout my trip, the constant refrain I heard was that the United States just needed to show that it cared. No one, no one asked for American troops to be deployed. No one needs, supports, believes that American soldiers have to be involved in any way. They just want America to use its efforts, and they want America to send a signal that it will begin to focus on the plight of Africa before another generation of young people is lost to civil war, famine, disease, and AIDS. America has a rich history of reaching out to bring peace and stability and reconciliation to communities around the world. We have made a difference in northern Ireland, we have made a difference in Eastern Europe, we have made a difference in so many places. We are attempting to bring peace to the Middle East. It is now time to focus on Africa, to focus on the Congo and to focus on the Sudan to end the killing.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I want to share with you an outstanding speech by Ambassador Richard T. McCormack titled: The Challenges and Opportunities in Africa. In this speech, Ambassador McCormack's analysis and insight into the the problems and predicaments facing Africa are astute. I am hopeful that Ambassador McCormack's voice on Africa will be heard by both the next Congress and the next Administration. Presentation to the Center for the Study of the Presidency The challenges and opportunities in Africa Every year my work for American companies, investment firms, and think tanks results in a tremendous amount of global travel. I have learned that there is simply no substitute for seeing local circumstances with your own eyes and talking face-to-face with leaders who are struggling to cope with their problems. Last May I visited China and met with top Chinese leaders to discuss concerns about WTO issues. In June, I visited Bulgaria and the Czech Republic to consult with elected leaders and central bankers concerning economic opportunities and dilemmas. Earlier that year I discussed with central bankers in Europe problems involving the Euro and potential vulnerabilities in the international derivative markets. And I have continued to monitor Japan's ongoing banking and growth problems with close contacts in Japan. But our chairman was aware of another extensive trip I took this summer to Africa at the request of friends. He suggested that I share with you tonight some of the observations and conclusions from this consultation with Presidents, central bankers, key officials from the African development bank, leaders at the Organization of African Unity, aspiring political leaders, and hundreds of ordinary citizens. One of the reasons that I agreed to make this trip was my long standing interest in Africa beginning with my Ph.D. dissertation about Kenya many decades ago. I took this trip not because Africa is strategically important to the United States, but rather because there are hundreds of millions of people often in desperate circumstances in that part of the world. These people need our understanding and assistance if they are not to undergo catastrophe on a scale that has not been seen since the plagues and wars of Europe during the Middle Ages. Furthermore, I knew that Africa has produced a number of leaders who have the right policy instincts and who care about their people, but who need support in implementing their visions. So what I am going to do in the next few minutes is offer some snap shots of what I saw and heard on this trip to give you some sense of what is happening in parts of Africa today. Then I plan to list some suggestions that could help deal with some of the regional problems. Benin Benin was the first country on the agenda. It is a small county in West Africa led by a remarkable man, President Kerekou. This veteran African leader had for many years followed a Marxist path, but realized at one point the bankruptcy of this approach and voluntarily left office. Years later, he ran for the Presidency on a very different platform and won overwhelmingly. Benin, of course, was one of the great slave exporting countries in the 17th and 18th centuries. One Sunday morning during a recent trip to Washington, President Kerekou visited one of the largest predominately black churches. To the astonishment of the people, he begged forgiveness on behalf of his ancestors for having participated in the enslavement of their ancestors. I am told that there was hardly a dry eye in the church when the old gentleman finished his plea. In Benin, there were two kinds of tribes. Some of the coastal tribes were the predators, and many of the tribes in the interior were the prey. The animosity between these two ethnic groups continues to this day to poison political and social life in Benin and elsewhere in West Africa. For the past several years, President Kerekou has organized reconciliation ceremonies to try to heal these wounds. And he has made considerable progress. Indeed, so great is his stature as a regional moral leader that one of the other neighboring presidents I visited told me that he would happily lay on the ground and let Kerekou walk on him, so great was his respect for his distinguished neighbor. Ivory Coast In the Ivory Coast, I had two meetings with President Guei, whose name has recently been on the front pages of many American newspapers due to controversies surrounding the recent presidential election in the Ivory Coast. Indeed since our conversations, President Guei has fled into exile. But in my meetings with him, it was obvious that he was an exhausted man with no evident ideas on how to deal with his country's multiple problems. he was surrounded by layers of bodyguards to foil assassination attempts. Within weeks of our visit, another coup attempt resulted in a narrow escape for the President and the death of a number of his guards. I asked friends how he came to be President and was told a story which was largely confirmed later by the American embassy. It seems that there were several hundred soldiers from Ivory Coast who had been sent on a peace keeping mission to a neighboring country. They had been promised a bonus for this dangerous assignment. When they completed their work and returned home, they applied to the Defense Ministry for their due bonuses, which They then were told that the Ministry could not give them the bonuses, ostensibly because they were out of funds. The soldiers were told that they would possibly be paid next year. The men were furious and took to the streets with their guns, firing into the air. Suddenly crowds of people emerged, cheering on the soldiers and thinking that they were part of the coup to remove the increasingly tyrannical incumbent President. The soldiers then moved to take over the television station and sought a replacement President. They realized that unless they found a new President, they would face the wrath of the incumbent as soon as they returned to their homes and barracks. They first approached the Minister of Sports, who declined the honor. They then went to the farm of a retired general, Mr. Guei, and offered him the Presidency. He too declined. The soldiers then threatened to kill many members of the existing government unless General Guei became the President. Then, holding General Guei's wife hostage on the farm, they escorted the General to the television station. At the station, he announced that he would be the new interim President, but said that he would only hold the job long enough to organize new elections. After a few months, however, members of General Guei's family discovered that they had an amazing talent for business, hitherto unknown. Somehow, contracts materialized along with a host of other benefits. They were reported to have pressed General Guei to stand for a full term in the upcoming elections. Since the General lacked much in the way of charisma or ideas for dealing with the nation's problems, some of the General's advisors and associates crafted an election procedure that disqualified most of the more popular potential opponents on one pretext or another. One relatively weak opponent remained, however. Shortly after I left the country, riots broke our between the various factions. General Guei lost the election and was forced to flee the country. But it is not clear what will happen next in Ivory Coast. There are great tensions in the country, where there seems to be as many as 60 tribes and language groups, divisions between Christians, Muslims, and Animists. There is also ill will between the native Ivorians and the more recent immigrants who are attracted by the relative prosperity and stability of the country in past decades. No one thinks that politics are yet settled. Nigeria Nigeria was the next stop. From all the reports, the current President of Nigeria is an honest man with the interests of his people at heart. But there are a number of problems. One of these is a culture of corruption which took root in part of the society and body politic in years past. A substantial percentage of Nigerian oil production is said to be officially unaccounted for. As you travel around chaotic Lagos, you frequently see warnings on buildings and fences against land scams. The old agricultural base of the economy was neglected when oil became such a critical part of the economy. This contributed to over urbanization and drained the economy in other ways as well. During times of low oil prices, the lack of a more balanced economy is acutely felt. It also contributes to the high unemployment rate. Airport security has been a persistent problem in recent years, particularly the smaller domestic airport in Lagos. Even my Nigerian hosts were alarmed as we ran the gauntlet of muggers and panhandlers between the parking lot and the actual terminal building. This, of course, also alarms potential foreign investors and tourists. The new capital, Abuja, shows the signs of efforts of city planners to avoid the chaotic growth of Lagos. And Nigerians take justifiable pride in some of the new federal buildings. The most conspicuous feature of the local press, however, were articles about the struggle between the President and the new parliament over a self appropriation of $40,000 to each member of Parliament for furnishings for their private residences. The President felt that this was excessive, particularly during a period of budgetary stringency. Great tensions between Muslim and Christian regions of the country are building again. These tensions have deep historic roots, but have recently worsened due to a campaign to impose Islamic law in areas of mixed populations with Muslim majorities. You also hear the frequently expressed wish that the President would reach out to include more people in his inner circle, particularly younger people with recognized technical skills. Ethiopia Ethiopia was a country that I toured extensively when I wrote my Ph.D. dissertation, but I had not visited this country for several decades. I was interested in seeing what 20 years of communist rule and war had wrought in Haile Selasi's ancient kingdom. My first visit was to the American embassy to seek a briefing on economic and political conditions in this country. To my dismay, the senior political and economic counselor who had served there for three years was unable to tell me even the rate of inflation. It was an extremely depressing visit. Fortunately, in my hotel, I discovered an old friend, a senior IMF official who was consulting with the Ethiopian government. So I did receive an outstanding economic briefing. I also met with many of the key leaders in Ethiopia, who had just completed a successful defensive war against Eritrea, their neighbor to the north, and who were struggling to get the economy back on track. Many of these people are honest, but a Marxist education is not always the best preparation for organizing an efficient market economy. In Addis Ababa, we saw a world class hotel, but which is surrounded on all sides by dire poverty. Large numbers of maimed veterans of past wars, street urchins, the aged, and women with babies beg at every opportunity. It is heart rending to see such scenes, and they are poison for the tourist industry, which could become a massive source of jobs and foreign exchange. Famine stalks the land in part of Ethiopia, even as one drives by vast well watered and fertile agricultural lands which could produce much higher yields with modern agricultural techniques. Unclear land tenure policies, a reaction to the vast feudal holdings of the Imperial era, prevent ownership and consolidation which are necessary to introduce modern farming on an efficient scale. Kenya Many years ago I lived in Nairobi, Kenya. When I revisited this capital city, I found it virtually unrecognizable, swollen like many other African cities by weaknesses in the rural economy and the high birth rates. Drought and electrical shortages have caused famine and blackouts. I also saw the scars from the recent bombings of the American embassy. A large distant fortified replacement facility was rising in an isolated area far from the heart of the city. Yet another bunker-like ``Festung Amerika'', seeking to foil terrorist bombers, will be the inevitable final result. I met with a number of able and prominent political leaders who were hoping to rise to power in the elections scheduled within the next two years. There was an awareness of the real cost of corruption to the national economy. Kenya's agriculture is in crisis. Drought is only part of the problem. Kenyan farmers are compelled to sell their coffee, the country's main foreign exchange earner, to the government marketing board. This board has not yet paid the farmers for last year's crop, creating acute hardships and vast resentment. Such farmers are not in a position to make expensive outlays for fertilizer and other needed materials, guaranteeing a smaller crop next year to a country with a foreign exchange shortage and high unemployment. One bright spot, though, is the vast game parks of Kenya which are a source of great local pride and considerable tourist revenue. During a visit, we actually observed a group in Masai with spears trying to run down a lion, which no doubt has been stalking their cattle. The drought had brought both the cattle and the Masai into the normally forbidden game park. South Africa In South Africa, the legacy of decades of apartheid has contributed to tension which are experienced at every hand. Johannesburg, once a vibrant city, has become an urban fortress with electrified fences and military concertina wire surrounding every affluent home and neighborhood. Private security services are one of the few booming businesses. Hotels are being built near the airport because much of the downtown area is no longer safe for visitors. Rural farmers find themselves sometimes virtually under siege. Perhaps as many as 50% of South Africans are unemployed. More than 20% are HIV positive and doomed unless medical assistance can be provided. Many of these stricken young men and women are deeply angry, contributing to the crime and violence. Educated young people are leaving the country in droves, moving to New Zealand, Australia, and elsewhere, and taking with them skills and talents which are desperately needed in South Africa itself. Tension has arisen between former President Mandella and his successor. His successor is under great pressure to find jobs for black Africans. There is reluctance to confront the AIDS problem with the urgency that is needed. Land seizures supported by President Mugabe in Zimbabwe are putting growing pressures on South African leaders to follow similar policies. In Zimbabwe, such policies have proven catastrophic both for modern agriculture, the national economy itself, and for social peace. But it is not clear how long South African leaders can resist pressures to begin similar policies. There is great apprehension among the commercial farming communities. Leaders of the South African government greatly resent unfavorable reports about conditions in South Africa since they desperately want to attract foreign investment to create jobs and support the currency. But the truth of the matter is that potential foreign investors always inquire of local contacts about true local conditions. There is talk in South Africa, strongly opposed by the government, about breaking up the country into zones where racial and tribal concentrations exist. Unless stability is created, the growing anarchy could eventually lead to just such a result. If the deterioration in South Africa leads to anarchy, civil war, and economic collapse, all neighboring countries with important commercial relationships with South Africa will also suffer. But the reverse is also true. If the South African economy can be stabilized and revived, growth and talent in South Africa will spread gradually throughout the southern region. So the stakes are very high. It is also important to remember that the earlier constructive action takes place, the easier it will be to achieve results. Concerning South Africa, there are parts of the political class in other parts of the world which viewed their task as finished, once apartheid has been crushed and Mr. Mandella installed in office with a mission to reconcile the nation. But the truth of the matter is that Mr. Mandella is out of office. Many exiles from socialist traditions The complexities and dilemmas inherent in this situation have caused many people who were involved in the anti- apartheid struggle from Western countries to avert their eyes from the growing unrest in large parts of South Africa. It would be an historic tragedy if the elimination of apartheid only ushered in a new era of economic and political misery, and eventually a new one-party perpetuating misfortune on all citizens, black and white. This would be a collective failure for all of us. Congo Reports on developments in former Zaire, now the Congo, are even more unsettling. These reports estimate that more than two million people have been killed in the war that has been raging throughout the country during the past two years. Here too there is talk about the possible breakup of this vast, potentially rich nation that has deteriorated steadily since 1960. Indeed, 70% of the modern hard surfaced roads built by Belgian colonists in Congo have reverted to bush and jungle and are unusable today. Some of the world's richest mineral deposits are unworked due to violence, lack of mining machinery, collapsed transportation infrastructure, and poor maintenance of mines and facilities. Revenues from some of the still working mining operations are being diverted to finance foreign troops defending the regime in Kinshasa against other foreign troops who are penetrating other parts of the country where a spill over from earlier wars had created intolerable conditions for neighboring countries. Many African leaders have worked hard to bring peace to this wretched country and its 50 million people, but one agreement after another has not been implemented. And the war and killing continue. What To Do? 1. It is important to understand that there is no magic wand that can, at a stroke, erase the legacy of decades of misrule, mistakes, injustice, poverty, and violence that have impacted parts of Africa. Many statistics are unreliable, particularly those which quantify bad news. But this knowledge should not paralyze us or prevent us from taking steps that can, in fact, mitigate some of the problems in the region and build a foundation for later growth and development. Furthermore, there are now a number 2. While there are generic problems in sub-Saharan Africa, such as the AIDS crisis and other public health problems of equal concern, each country in sub-Saharan Africa is truly unique in tribal composition, politics, history, traditions, resource base, religion, culture, and all the other factors that contribute to diversity. Without a detailed knowledge of these unique factors, it is difficult for even well- intentioned outsiders to contribute effectively in finding solutions to the problems. In the United States, for example, most parts of Africa lack an informed constituency of sufficient size to serve as a buffer against the mistakes that sometimes occur when policy issues in Washington become a compromise between a junior desk officer at the State Department, and a well-paid, politically connected lobbyist representing the incumbent ruler. Fortunately, America possesses talent and knowledge in depth about most parts of Africa. Some of our experts are in the academic world, some at the World Bank, some are retired diplomats, some sophisticated journalists, and so on. What is needed is an organized consultative process where these experts can be brought together to address the problems of individual African countries. Had such a process existed, it seems doubtful to me that the American government would have thrown its support behind Mr. Kabila, for example, and events in Sierra Leone would have evolved differently. When we make mistakes of this kind, not only do we lose credibility, but we also impose heavier burdens on a region that is already staggering. We owe it to the people of Africa either to send in a varsity team or get off the playing field. 3. Economic development cannot take place where armies are contesting the ground. Prevention and resolution of these conflicts requires a more effective effort. From the American point of view, the first line of defense in preventing conflict is a vigilant, active, well-connected and supported United States Embassy. It also requires in Washington a back- up chain of command which actually reads the reports from the field and is prepared to act on them in a timely manner. This does not mean dispatching the 82nd airborne division every time the fire bell rings. It does mean rapid and effective coordination with allies and regional powers and organizations, not to mention forceful, private representations to potential malefactors. It is a lot easier to stop a conflict before it is unleashed, than to try to halt one, once blood flows and popular passions rise. In recent years pan Africa and sub regional African organizations have shown themselves willing to fill part of the vacuum left by former colonial powers' increasing reluctance to engage directly in the affairs of their former subject peoples. Greater international support for the peacekeeping operations, including regional and sub-regional organizations therefore is needed. Similarly when America deploys its prestigious, heavy hitters in diplomatic peace making missions, such efforts need to be supported, first of all, by our own government. Undoubtedly, the United Nations can play a large role in the future in this context if adequately led and supported. 4. Conflicting commercial ambitions by companies and individuals in various African countries have sometimes produced foreign diplomatic support for individual leaders or potential leaders who are viewed as friends. ELF Petroleum's objectives and the multiple rival interests in the diamond industry are some of the many examples of this. Even where such interests are not directly involved, paranoia about the potential of such sponsorship is helping to prevent advanced countries from working together effectively to support development in Africa. Covert support for this or that potential leader is assumed. The recent election in the Ivory Coast was a case in point, where riots were mobilized by one group to protest alleged French attempts to interfere in the election process. Yet it is absolutely clear that advanced countries could accomplish much more in Africa by working together than by allowing divisions over conflicting commercial agendas to poison cooperation. There are a number of highly able African leaders who care about the interests of their peoples, but who sometimes do not have the in depth, local talent needed to craft development strategies that could command wide support. There is an urgent need for such strategies in sub-Saharan Africa. The best of African talent needs to be engaged with that from cooperating multilateral organizations and individual countries to produce as realistic and comprehensive market based development plan for each country in sub-Saharan Africa. At its peak, the mineral riches of one province in Congo provided 25% of the GNP of that country. Once peace comes, a high priority should be given to a plan to restore the power and transportation infrastructure to allow these minerals to play their earlier role in the local and global economy. By the same token, unwise policies, such as the current efforts of President Mugabe to demagogue the issues involved in the commercial farming sector of his country, need to be more strongly discouraged by those in a position to deploy carrots and sticks. Everywhere in Africa there is a need for more intensive commercial farming, which has more than proven its potential in the latter part of the 20th century. The solid results achieved by efficient commercial farmers both in feeding local people and in providing desperately needed jobs and foreign exchange through exports is something that should not be ignored. 5. Delivery of health services is another area where more cost effective distribution systems are needed in some countries. A recent World Bank report suggested that of each $100 appropriated for medicines by national budgets in Africa, only $12 worth of such medicines reach patients. The rest of the money is lost through a combination of spoilage, corruption, and other apparent consequences of gross mismanagement. The cost of commercially available treatment of HIV positive individuals or those with AIDS is about $15,000/ person. This is the approximate cost of educating 100 primary school students for an entire year. Offers by the United States to provide loans to impoverished African countries to allow them to purchase greater quantities of commercially available drugs to prolong the useful lives of the HIV positive will not find many willing takers among governments with unlimited pressing needs and limited resources. Prevention is obviously the most important first line of defense against this scourge. Senegal does an effective job in this regard, and its HIV positive population is merely 1.8% by comparison with other countries with rates in excess of 20% and growing. Uganda is also now successfully lowering the infected number of their citizens through effective anti- AIDS information campaigns. But the Senegal and Uganda information programs should be put on the road and marketed in all the African countries. Brazil has successfully begun to attack its own HIV problem with generic drugs produced at a fraction of the $15,000 commercial rate. It did so by simply expropriating the technology and subsidizing the production and dissemination of the drugs. Clearly, it is in the interest of all that current market- based incentives for research and development of anti-AIDS drugs should continue and intensify. Companies which are successful should be rewarded for their success. The franchises for distribution of HIV/AIDS medicines in Africa should be purchased by donor governments and multilateral health agencies. Even if not all the millions now infected can be treated with anti-AIDS medicines due to cost factors and distribution complexities, at least the scarcest talent in the country, educated at vast cost, can be treated and their productive lives greatly extended. 6. Better education programs are clearly part of the answer to Africa's multiple problems. But today, less than 2% more women are being educated than was the case during the colonial period. Educational costs are unnecessarily high in some places because of unionized work forces that extract high salaries and benefits. In some places, governments cannot afford to field the number of highly paid teachers who are needed to address the requirements of Africa's children. American children were educated in the 19th century with very simple structures and facilities. This is an area where friends of Africa in the developed world could perhaps usefully contribute more in talent, funds, and advice. Schools are also 7. Leadership. During the Cold War, the United States mounted an extensive effort to identify and support able, young people from many parts of the world. Large numbers were brought to the United States as visitors and hundreds of thousands were educated here. The AIDS scourge is decapitating large numbers of people, including the educated elites in Africa, and a massive effort to replace these vitally needed trained technical and leadership groups is urgently needed. This will have to be a shared task among many countries that are friends of Africa. Conclusion This presentation is by no means an attempt at a comprehensive look at Africa's current problems. Those interested in digging deeper into the details should begin by reading some of the useful publications that the World Bank has recently sponsored and examine the writings of other experts on Africa. Rather this speech is an effort to point out some of the things that I saw myself on a recent tour of part of the continent and some of the conclusions that I reached. It is intended as an appeal to parts of the policy community who normally have responsibilities far beyond this one isolated region. We all need to look again at what is happening in sub-Saharan Africa and reconsider our overall priorities. There is plenty of evidence that when the broader policy community focuses its attention on a problem of this kind that it can greatly strengthen the local leadership classes that ultimately bear responsibility for implementing solutions. In years past, non-profit organizations, scholars, journalists, retired diplomats, and politicians, as well as individuals working within governmental and multilateral organizations have made major contributions in Africa. River blindness, for example, has been almost eliminated from many parts of Africa. New strains of crops have turned some famine prone areas into food-exporting regions. Reconciliation efforts far from the eyes of the public have brought old enemies together. But when governments put their shoulders to the wheel with imagination, resources, and leadership, they can accomplish things that are far beyond what individuals can do. There is both a need and an opportunity for collective international action in Africa today. The recent debt relief effort needs to be supplemented by programs that deal with other aspects of the continent's urgent needs. Sometimes even a relatively modest effort in an area which is under-served can yield a disproportionately positive impact on the lives of a great many human beings. The opportunities now in Africa are great for this kind of commitment. I hope that some of you will take up the challenge. Leadership, imagination, and resources are urgently needed in this part of the world.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I want to share with you this informative article from The Economist magazine that describes the critical problems facing the Congo and the Great Lakes region of Africa. The humanitarian crisis in the Congo is startling as between 1.7-2 million people have died in the past several months. Thirty percent of those who died were under the age of 5. Clearly, the situation in the Congo deserves the attention of the West and I hope every Member will have an opportunity to read this article. [From the Economist, Dec. 9, 2000] In The Heart of Darkness The hefty cargo plane grinds on across Africa, the deafening monotony of its engines never changing. The hold is stuffed with drums of fuel and crates of ammunition, spare parts for weapons and medical supplies. Perched among them are a dozen soldiers, one of whom is carrying a suitcase full of dollars. Three young women, one of them with a child, crouch among the drums with wrapped-up bundles, a couple of live chickens and several bunches of bananas. The old Russian-made plane is flown by Ukrainians. They and the plane have been rented in Kiev by a Greek entrepreneur who also deals in coffee, timber and arms. This time he has hired it out to the Ugandan army, but it could have been made available to any one of the seven national armies at war in Congo. His business prospects look good. Peace is impossible just now. Below, the forest stretches to the horizon in all directions, a vast head of dark trees broken only by state- coloured rivers. Look down two hours later, and nothing has changed. It is as if the plane hasn't moved. Congo is big. Lay a map of Europe across Congo, with London at its western end, and the eastern border falls 200 miles beyond Moscow. War in Congo does not involve huge armies and terrible battles, but a few guns can send hundreds of thousands fleeing their homes. It threatens Congo's nine neighbours with destabilisation, and with thousands of refugees pouring into their border areas. In the first week of December alone, by UN estimates, more than 60,000 refugees fled into Zambia from fighting that has just delivered the town of Pweto to Congo's anti-government rebels. War in Congo means a generation growing up without inoculation or education and the rapid spread of AIDS, the camp-follower of war in Africa. A recent United Nations report described Congo's war as one of the world's worst humanitarian crises, affecting some 16m people. The legacy of greed Congo was only briefly a nation state. For most of history it was a blank on the map, luring in the greedy and unwary. It was first pillaged by the slave kingdoms and foreign slavers; then by predators looking for ivory, rubber, timber, copper, gold and diamonds. Leopold, king of the Belgians, grabbed it in 1885 to make himself a private kingdom. That sparked the imperial takeover of Africa by Europeans at the end of the 19th century. Leopold's agents cut off hands and heads to force the inhabitants to deliver its riches to him. Then came Belgian state rulers. They built some roads and brought in health and education programmes, but blocked any political development. When Congo was pitched into independence in 1960, there was chaos. Congo nearly broke up; then out of the chaos came Mobutu Sese Seko, one of the more grotesque rulers of independent Africa. America and Europe supported him because he was anti- communist; but he was Leopold's true successor, regarding the country as his personal possession. He renamed it Zaire, used the treasury as his bank account and ruled by allowing supporters and rivals to feed off the state. If they became too greedy or powerful, he would have them thrown into prison for a while before being given another post to plunder. On two occasions he encouraged his unpaid, disgruntled soldiers to satisfy themselves by looting the cities. He built himself palaces and allowed the roads the Belgians had built to disintegrate. This helped break up Congo into fiefs. When Mobutu's rule ended in 1997, the nation state was dead. The only national organisation was the Catholic church. One of his fiefs was Hutu-ruled Rwanda. Mobutu called its president, Juvenal Habyarimana, his baby brother. In 1994 Habyarimana was killed in a plane crash, and the rump of his regime carried out genocide against Rwanda's Tutsi minority. But, with Ugandan help, the Tutsis triumphed. The old Rwandan army and the gangs of killers fled into Congo, where Mobutu gave them shelter and weapons. In 1996 the new Tutsi- dominated Rwandan army crossed the border and attacked the Hutu camps, intending to set up a buffer zone to protect its western border. The attack worked better than anticipated and the Rwandans, Ugandans and their Congolese allies kept walking westwards until they took the capital, Kinshasa. Mortally ill, Mobutu fled and the Rwandans installed Laurent Kabila as president. A year later, Mr. Kabila tried to wriggle out of the control of the Rwandans and Ugandans. He allied himself with their enemies, the Hutu militias in eastern Congo. In response they launched another rebellion to try to dislodge him. But this time Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Sudan and Chad sent troops to defend him. They said they were acting on principle, to protect a neighbouring state from invasion. The war reached a stalemate with the country divided. In the western half, Mr. Kabila was backed by Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia (Sudan and Chad withdrew). The east was controlled by three rebel movements and their creators and controllers, Uganda and Rwanda. Burundi also has troops in Congo allied to the Rwandans, but these stay close to the Burundi border. In June and July last year, a peace agreement was signed in Lusaka by the government of Congo, the three rebel groups and five intervening nations. It provided a timetable for a ceasefire, the deployment of African military observers supported by UN monitors, the disarming of ``negative forces'' (the militia gangs that roam eastern Congo), and the eventual withdrawal of all foreign forces. It also prescribed a national dialogue between Mr. Kabila and the armed and unarmed opposition. Neighbours on the take Unsurprisingly, it has not worked. The ceasefire has been persistently broken by all sides, most recently with the fighting around Pweto. Although the defense chiefs of six of the intervening countries, led by Zimbabwe, and several rebel groups signed a deal in Harare on December 6th to pull back their forces from front-line positions, it is still unlikely to happen. The exploitation of the country by the intervening armies reinforces the imperialist nature of the invasion, as do their disparaging comments about the Congo * * * ``A hopeless people,'' remarked one Rwandan. ``All they want to do is drink and dance.'' Each of the interveners in Congo has complex and different reasons for being there. At one level, they have been sucked into the vacuum; social and population pressure east of Congo has drawn the neighbours towards a country with few people for its size and no state structures. But each also had internal political reasons for going to Congo. The Rwandans want to track down the perpetrators of genocide and either drive them back to Rwanda or kill them. The success of the 1996 invasion and American support has made them over-confident. President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda also has ambitions bigger than his own country. He wants the economy of eastern Congo to link up with East Africa, and wants to replicate his own political system in Congo. The rebel Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC) was created by Uganda, and mimics Mr. Museveni's political analysis and ideology. On the other side, Mr. Kabila's allies also have domestic reasons for being in Congo. Sudan, engaged in a proxy war with Uganda, wanted another way to attack it. Angola wanted to get into Congo to stop its own rebel movement, UNITA, from using Congolese territory as a supply route and rear base. Namibia got involved because it is indebted to Angola. President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, jealous of South Africa's new power in southern Africa, wanted to make himself the region's military leader. Others loiter in the background: North Korea has sent some 400 soldiers to help train Mr. Kabila's fledgling army and tons of weapons, reportedly in exchange for future sales of copper, cobalt and uranium. Many western diplomats and analysts, as well as most Congolese, suspect that America is secretly funding Rwanda and Uganda. State Department officials deny this, but it is hard to see how these poor countries can fight without outside resources. Their meagre defence budgets (Uganda's is allegedly $100m this year) cannot possibly sustain their operations in Congo. Once in Congo, the interveners found commercial reasons to stay. The war has created huge business opportunities which have obscured its primary, political, cause. Hundreds of dodgy businessmen, mercenaries, arms dealers and security companies have come to the region. Diamonds are a big prize and the main source of foreign exchange for Mr. Kabila. It is hardly surprising that the war ground to a halt around Mbuji- Mayi, the main diamond-producing area. Congo pays for Zimbabwe's presence with a diamond-mine concession. It has also formed a joint oil company with Angola. Senior military officers from all the armies, as well as their political cronies back home, make money trading diamonds, gold, coffee and timber, and from contracts to feed and supply their troops. They have little interest in peace. Local and foreign businessmen often pay them to provide troops to guard a valuable mine or a farm. The Kilo Moto gold mine in Kivu has been taken over by freelance diggers, but the entrance is guarded by Ugandan soldiers who tax them. Kigali and Kampala are crawling with diamond dealers and others looking for Congo's rare minerals, such as tantalite and niobium. The loot is not confined to minerals. One Ugandan unit, returning from Congo, caused fury in both countries by having their newly acquired Congolese wives and girlfriends flown home with them at government expense. War booty, said chauvinistic Ugandan politicians. Rape and theft, said Congolese men. The Kabila disaster When Laurent Kabila was catapulted to power by Uganda and Rwanda, everyone thought Congo would change. He could hardly do worse than Mobutu, they argued. Perhaps he would turn into one of the much-vaunted ``new leaders'' of Africa. He had few enemies. Everyone wanted to help him rebuild Congo. Sadly, he turned out to be little more than an outsize village chief, adept at staying in power, but with no vision and a deep distrust of competence. He has surrounded himself with relatives, friends and oddballs he scooped up on his march to Kinshasa. Mentally he is stuck in the cold war of the early 1960s, imagining global plots against Congo. The formal economy is dead. Nor far from the central bank in central Kinshasa, carefully tended cabbages have sprung from a small patch of waste ground by the roadside. Nearby, families having moved into the ruins of a half-built office block, hanging their washing over the abandoned concrete pillars and cooking on open fires on the floors of rooms designed for board meetings. Only about 20% of the city's 4m- 5m people have jobs. Most of these pay, if at all, about $8 or $9 a month. The city has little fuel, so people get up before dawn to walk to work. Most eat nothing all day, then return on foot to the one daily meal of cassave porridge or bread. Less than 30% of the capital's children are in school and few can afford medicine if they are ill. Mr. Kabila blames all this on the war. It has more to do with his old-fashioned statist policies and his arbitrary way of handing out contracts and concessions and then canceling them. That has frightened off foreign companies. So has his policy of locking up foreigners and demanding ransom. Heineken, a Dutch brewing company, recently paid $1m in cash to the finance minister to secure the release of its two senior executives in Kinshasa. Maurice Templesman, an American diamond dealer, also lost millions of dollars when his staff were seized and thrown out of the country. One foreign security company in Kinshasa says its best new business is negotiating the release of foreign nationals arrested by the government. Mobuto played the country and its political elite like a chess master. Mr. Kabila tries the same techniques; putting people in power or in prison and playing the ethnic card. But he is no expert. Long in exile, he barely understands Congo. There have been splits and mutinies in his fledgling army and his ministers are at each other's throats. Only in the south- east, his home territory, does he still have some support. The impoverished people of Kinshasa despise him, but will not demonstrate against him for fear of being accused of supporting the rebel movements--which they do not. Mr. Kabilia is currently trying to get the Lusaka accord rewritten. He has blocked the development of UN military observers and humiliated and rejected Ketumile Masire, the former Botswanan president, who was appointed to organize a national dialogue. He even failed to turn up at meetings with his backers, Angola and Zimbabwe. President Eduardo dos Santos of Angola warned him in August that he had ``had enough of his arrogance'', and that the allies would withdraw from Congo if he continued to obstruct the peacemakers. But Mr. dos Santos knows there is, as yet, no alternative to Mr. Kabila and that there would be chaos if the allies withdrew now. That is the crux of the problem. Mr. Kabila has failed, but there is no one else who enjoys national support or looks remotely capable of pulling the country together. Mobutu ensured that every politician in Congo was smeared with his corruption. Nor do the rebel movements present an alternative. The Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD) split apart, with one faction supported by Uganda and the other by Rwanda. Uganda then launched the MLC and, in June, the former allies fought a full-scale battle in Kisangani for six days, destroying much of the town's centre and killing 619 civilians. This engagement also destroyed the credibility of the two leaders, Mr. Museveni and Rwanda's president, Paul Kagame, in Congo. America and western countries were furious with them and blocked Uganda's promised debt relief as punishment. Both factions of the RCD are now deeply unpopular in their own areas. The clumsy intervention of Rwanda and Uganda in South and North Kivu has stirred up bitter ethnic rivalry. Much of this region suffers from the same Hutu-Tutsi divisions that exist in Rwanda and Burundi. The intervention has upset the fragile balance, and the region flares with massacre and counter-massacre. Local communities have tried to defend themselves against all outsiders by forming self-defense militias, but many of these have degenerated into wandering gangs of mercenaries and bandits, the ``negative forces'' of the Lusaka accord. Some are linked to Rwandan Hutus, some fight against them. Mr. Kabila is fanning the flames by sending them weapons across Lake Tanganyika. The Kivus are now a horrendous mess of wars and sub-wars that will burn on long after the national war is over. In northern Congo, the picture is slightly better. Jean- Pierre Bemba, the young MLC leader and a businessman, is popular there because his Ugandan-run army is fairly disciplined and, in Mobutu's home area, he is seen as his successor. It is a label he vigorously rejects, since he knows it will kill support for him in other places. What happens next The present situation is deadlocked and unstable. The UN will not deploy its forces until it is convinced that all parties are serious about peace, but the ``negative forces'', Hutu militias, gangs and others have signed no ceasefire and have little interest in peace. That means the foreign forces cannot fulfill the Lusaka accord and leave. But their governments, even the oil-rich Angolans, are worried about the cost. They are all engaging in bilateral talks with each other; but that increases mistrust and suspicion. The Rwandans, realising how unpopular they are in Congo, have given up hope of overthrowing Mr. Kabila and instead have offered to withdraw their troops to the Kivus. Zimbabwe, hard-pressed by domestic problems, wants it 12,000 troops out as soon as there is a face-saving formula. Their departure could destablise Mr. Kabila. Maybe the Angolans, left holding the fort, will remove him. At present they seem to be trying to bring in Mr. Bemba and a representative of the unarmed opposition to create a trumvirate with Mr. Kabila. To achieve this, the Angolans have to trust Mr. Bemba's backer, Uganda. They don't, because Uganda has been a conduit for arms to UNITA rebels in Angola. Besides, the Ugandan army and the MLC are still pushing westwards towards the strategic city of Mbandaka, garrisoned by Angolans. And what of the Congolese people in all this? Impoverished, disregarded and oppressed, they still give one clear message almost unanimously in every conversation: they do not want Congo to break up. But the long decomposition of this vast country seems inevitable, whoever rules in Kinshasa. This war could rumble on for years, if not decades. The Lusaka accord, concedes a senior UN representative, is not going to work; but no one has a better plan. The best he can suggest is that outsiders remain engaged, help the victims, try to understand what is happening--and make it worse. Congo's experience of outsiders is, to put it mildly, discouraging.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, today I have introduced a bill calling for a tough, comprehensive review of the Federal Aviation Administration to focus on the critical need to improve aviation safety and reduce airline delays. We should all be concerned about aviation safety. Air travel has increased dramatically in recent years. Today, more than 600 million Americans take to the skies each year--and that figure is expected to triple to 1.8 billion people a year by 2020. With this dramatic increase we have seen increases in operational errors among air traffic controllers, increases in near mid-air collisions, and increases in runway incursions. I am particularly concerned about internal meetings of FAA safety staff that have been reported in the press revealing statements made by top FAA safety officials concerning weaknesses in their oversight. I want to emphasize that there are thousands of hard-working, dedicated employees at the FAA who understand the important safety mission of their agency. We need to give them a stable and efficient organizational structure under which they can perform their mission critical jobs. Mr. Speaker, operational errors among air traffic controllers are up significantly as controllers try to cope with increasing traffic all bearing down on crowded hub airports. At the same time these errors are up, the FAA has announced a plan to significantly reduce the number of operational supervisors available to assist and monitor that traffic. These errors have risen by 25 percent in the past two years alone. In addition, runway incursions continue to go up, raising cries of alarm from the National Transportation Safety Board, the Office of Inspector General, and the Congress. The Inspector General told my Subcommittee seven months ago ``this safety issue is one that demands constant high-level attention,'' so we called for higher budgets, monthly reports and a national summit on the issue. Regrettably, the most recent report shows that runway incursions have not gone down. Instead, they continue to go through the roof. In addition, FAA has been unable to address the growing problem of airline delays. In the summer of 1999, delays were so high that the FAA announced a special review of its traffic management programs. This review concluded that the agency could do a lot more to provide efficient movement of aircraft around the country, and they promised immediate improvements. This past summer's delays, however, were just as high as the year before, if not worse. The American traveling public is getting tired of these horrible delays. Business meetings are canceled, family gatherings are disrupted, commercial deals are passed up when airline commerce does not flow smoothly. I hear my colleagues complain practically every day about the horrible and unacceptable airline delays. For those who fly often, the quality of life is greatly diminished because of this problem. Mr. Speaker, I served on the House Committee on Public Works and Transportation back in the early 1980s. I still remember FAA Administrator Lynn Helms coming before that committee and testifying about the wondrous improvements in air travel that would come about through modernization of the government's air traffic control system. Over the next several years, this Congress appropriated billions of dollars for that effort. Yet each year, the General Accounting Office tells us how the FAA continues to fall farther and farther behind in fielding the necessary systems. First came the termination of the microwave landing system in the late 1980s, then came termination of the advanced automation system a few years later. FAA substituted other navigation and computer programs to take their place. I wish I could tell my colleagues that these new systems have proceeded well, but many of them have not. FAA continues to experience massive delays in developing satellite navigation and computer systems, even after Congress passed landmark procurement reform legislation to aid the FAA in 1995. Runway incursion radar systems are still not in operational use, even after eight years of development work. The agency simply hasn't been able to bring new technology on line to address these safety concerns. We already have a number of commissions, contractors, and study groups over the years investigating the ``problem'' at the FAA. These groups have come up with a long list of recommendations, but, unfortunately, most of them focused on how to get the agency more money. Wrestling control of the agency's finances from Congress has been the underlying theme in almost all of these reports, not improving aviation safety. The commission I propose would take a comprehensive approach, and it would focus on ways to improve aviation safety for the benefit of all Americans. Specifically, the bill I have introduced would establish a Commission for Comprehensive Review of the FAA. It would look at both air traffic services and safety oversight by the agency, and make recommendations on both the organizational structure and processes of the agency. The recommendations must address FAA's organization within the existing structure of government. The commission would have 21 members appointed by the President, and would include Mr. Speaker, with a new administration entering the White House in January, there is a great opportunity to start off with a fresh approach in aviation. It is the perfect time for an unbiased, impartial, and independent commission to present new findings--focusing on aviation safety--to help guide the FAA in the right direction for the future. This would be extremely helpful to the new President and the new Congress as we consider how to make our aviation system more safe and efficient for U.S. citizens and those who visit our wonderful country. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, ``Protestant dies in Chinese jail'' was the headline of a recent article in the Washington Times. According to the article, a Chinese protestant man was arrested on September 4 while worshiping at an underground church service then later died after being beaten and denied medical care while in prison. Liu Haitong was his name. He is one person who will never reap the so-called ``rewards'' of the United States giving China permanent normal trade relations (PNTR). It has been several months now since the House and Senate passed legislation giving PNTR to China and the president signed it into law. During the debate, we heard the arguments that PNTR will bring changes to China, that PNTR would open China, improve human rights, and reduce the national security threat that China poses to the U.S. However, while the signing ceremonies have taken place and the parties celebrating its passage have occurred, people like Liu Haitong continue to be persecuted, imprisoned, and in some cases killed, because of their faith. Many Members said that they voted in favor of PNTR because they thought it would bring about positive change in China's horrible human rights record, and that giving China PNTR would ultimately increase U.S. national security. According to the Cardinal Kung Foundation, at least 13 underground Roman Catholic bishops are locked away in Chinese jails, under house arrest, in prison through labor camps, under strict surveillance, or in hiding because of their faith. At least 12 Roman Catholic priests are in prison as are numerous other laity, many of whose whereabouts are unknown. PNTR has passed, but where is freedom for these people of faith? On the cusp of the vote on PNTR in the Senate on September 14, the Chinese government re-imprisoned Roman Catholic Bishop Zeng Jingmu, Bishop Zeng has spent much of the past 30 years in Chinese prisons and prison labor camps because of his faith. Imagine having to perform forced labor and having to spend most of your life in prison because of your faith. PNTR has passed, but where is freedom for Bishop Zeng? Practitioners of Falun Gong continue to be persecuted, beaten, and imprisoned because of their beliefs. PNTR has passed, but where is freedom for the Falun Gong? The Chinese government is pillaging Tibet. Thousands of Tibetan Buddhist monks, nuns, and believers are in Chinese prisons because of their faith. PNTR has passed, but where is freedom for the people of Tibet? There are hundreds of Protestant House Church leaders in prison and prison through labor camps because of their faith. PNTR has passed, but where is freedom for the Protestants house church? Thousands of Muslim Uighurs are imprisoned because of their faith. PNTR has passed, but where is freedom for the Muslim Uighurs? PNTR has passed, but religious persecution continues unabated in China to this day, over two months after passage. PNTR has passed, but a November 7 British Broadcasting Company (BBC) report says that the Chinese government is clamping down on the freedom of the Internet by asserting that websites that host chatrooms ``will be held responsible for ensuring that users do not post messages that could be interpreted by the government as `illegal.' '' The BBC report says that the new rules also require ``websites not run by state media to seek approval from the Information Office of the State Council, or cabinet, before they may publish news'' and that ``to publish news from foreign sources, websites must seek special permission.'' PNTR has passed, but the United States is routinely portrayed as Enemy No. 1 by the Chinese military. According to an article in the November 15 Washington Post, the Chinese military is openly grappling with the likelihood that the United States and China could go to war, quoting Liu Jiangjia, an officer in the People's Liberation Army, as saying ``a new arms race has started to develop * * * war is not far from us now.'' PNTR has passed, but there are numerous reports about China's increased presence and role in Africa. The Chinese National Petroleum Company's multibillion dollar investment and operations in the newly exploited oilfields in Sudan are very troubling. The Khartoum regime has one of the worst human rights record on the planet. And yet, the pumping of oil that is now occurring because of China's help is providing the Sudanese government with unprecedented revenue to conduct what many have described as genocide against the southern Sudanese population. It is clear to me that mere passage of PNTR is not enough to bring about positive change in China. In fact, in my opinion, PNTR has passed, but there is only business as usual in Beijing. There are many people in China who have not benefited from passage of PNTR and who may never benefit, unless those Members who voted for PNTR speak out on behalf of human rights in China. With permanent normal trade relations now in place, Congress will no longer annually review trade with China. That makes it even more vital that Members be more vocal and assertive in speaking out about human rights abuses in China, and about the national security concerns that continue to develop regarding Beijing. Those Members who vocally opposed PNTR must continue to speak out as well. But it is even more important for Members who supported PNTR to speak out as their voice, as a supporter of this legislation, may be more powerful and persuasive with the regime in China. And bringing about change in China is what needs to happen now. I urge all those Members who voted for PNTR to challenge the regime in Beijing. Speak out because the people who are suffering, who are imprisoned, or who are serving brutal prison through labor sentences need the concerted voice of Congress to bring about real and positive change in China.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, there are two issues I would like to address. One, this legislation has language in it which I commend the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall) and also Senator Judd Gregg dealing with conflict diamonds which are resulting in men and women in Sierra Leone having their arms cut off. When one is out buying diamonds this Christmas, if one gets a good price and one does not know where the diamonds are coming from, one is probably buying diamonds from Sierra Leone and supporting people having their arms and legs cut off. The other issue, Mr. Speaker, in addition, this conference report contains a provision that deeply troubles me. I want Members of this body to be aware that section 629 of the conference report would legalize interstate pari-mutuel gambling over the Internet. Under the current interpretation of the Interstate Horse Racing Act in 1978, this type of gambling is illegal, although the Justice Department has not taken steps to enforce it. This provision would codify legality of placing wages over the telephone or other electronic media like the Internet. We have been trying, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Goodlatte) and others have been trying for months and months to pass two bipartisan pieces of legislation on gambling, the Internet Gambling Prohibition Act and the Student Athletic Protection Act which would close the Las Vegas loophole on the current ban of gambling on college and high school athletes. Both had overwhelming support. Both had several hearings on them. Both were the result of hard work. Yet, at the end of Congress, both bills die, and we bring this up to expand, to expand gambling at a time when men and women are becoming addicted to this process. So, Mr. Speaker, as Members vote, they have to understand both of these provisions are in this bill. I compliment the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall) and Senator Judd Gregg. Mr. Speaker, I include the following ``News Stories From Around the Nation About the Negative Impact of Gambling'' for the Record, as follows:

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I am introducing the Responsible Debt Relief and Democracy Reform Act, legislation intended to provide debt relief to poor countries that have an insurmountable debt burden and to encourage these same countries to implement reforms for sound democracy and the maintenance of a civil society. Many of the poorest countries of the world are struggling with democracy or with bad governance, and they are caught in a downward spiral of debt. Their futures are difficult and uncertain because of an overwhelming debt burden. Many of the poorest countries have to spend an exorbitant amount of their budgets simply to make their debt payments. The rock singer, Bono, a vocal advocate for providing debt relief to heavily indebted poor countries, says, ``A country like Niger, with a life expectancy of 47 years, spends more paying off their debts than on health and education combined.'' Indeed, a country like Niger is not alone. Debt payments by the poor countries of the world can consume as much as 30-40 percent of a country's revenue. The chances of these countries ever paying back their loans is slim, to none. Realistically, none of their debt is going to be repaid. The problem is that it is the poorest people of the world in the poorest countries who suffer as a result of their governments' massive debt. The poorest of the poor struggle to find food to survive. Suffering from malnourishment, their immune systems are lowered and people catch horrible diseases that wrack their bodies. The poor countries of the world have an alarmingly low life expectancy rate, with reports indicating that the average person in Sierra Leone only lives for 27 years. Canceling or reducing the debt of the poorest countries of the world is an opportunity for the U.S. to alleviate the suffering that these people face. An article in Sojourners magazine describes part of the problem in Africa: It might seem odd to describe Hamsatou, a 13-year old girl in the West African country of Niger, as lucky. A mysterious flesh-eating disease known as ``the Grazer'' has consumed the left side of her face, leaving a gaping hole at the side of her nose, through which you can see her pink, unprotected tongue. She shields her head in embarrassment in her village, has no prospect of marriage, and rarely walks further than the nearby well. ``When I go to the market . . . I'm ashamed of myself. I cover my face so people won't stare at me and laugh.'' But Hamsatou is lucky because she is alive. One in three children in Niger, the world's poorest country, do not reach 5 years of age. And while the Grazer will kill 120,000 children in the world this year, a $3 mouthwash would have ensured she need never have succumbed to its ravages. Unfortunately the government of Niger does not have $3 to spare. Three quarters of its annual tax revenue is spent on servicing its $1.4 billion international debt. Sojourners May-June 2000 Unfortunately, many of these poor countries that have insurmountable debt and that need democratic reform are in Africa. The Clinton Administration's Africa policies have failed across the board. `` `African Renaissance' Hailed By Clinton Now a Distant Memory'' is the title of a recent article in the Los Angeles Times by Robin Wright. Ms. Wright says that just two years ago, President Clinton hailed what he called an ``African renaissance.'' Now, despite several years of rhetoric on Africa by the Clinton administration, this article states that a recent national intelligence estimate says that ``Africa faces a bleaker future than at any time in the past century.'' Most Africans are worse off now than they were eight years ago. The U.S. can help provide hope and opportunity for those who may be hopeless. Providing debt relief to the poorest governments of the world, if done in the right way, can free these governments to better address the needs of their own people. But simply canceling a country's debt doesn't necessarily pave the way to good government. The governments of poor countries are often part of the That is why the legislation I propose today will provide incentives to countries to reform their governments, to institute needed democratic reforms and basic structures of a civil society such as, respect for human rights, promoting religious freedom, freedom of the press, and freedom of association. This legislation says that debt relief by the U.S. will be provided to countries that meet the following requirements, as determined by the President of the U.S.: freedom of the press, freedom of association, an independent and non-discriminatory judiciary, reduction or elimination of corruption relating to public officials, including the promulgation of laws prohibiting bribery of public officials and disclosure of assets by such officials; the establishment of an independent anti- corruption commission; the establishment of an independent agency to audit financial activities of public officials, free and fair elections, practice of internationally recognized human rights, opposition to international terrorism as determined by the Secretary of State. The President may waive one or more of these requirements for emergency humanitarian relief purposes, if the President determines and certifies to Congress that it is in the national security interests of the U.S., or if the President determines that a recipient country is making demonstrable progress in the aforementioned areas. The President is to notify Congress of the justification for the determination of the countries that will receive a cancellation or reduction of debt according to the conditions in this legislation. Finally, this legislation conveys the sense of Congress that the President should instruct the U.S. director at each international financial institution to which the U.S. is a member to use the voice, vote, and influence of the U.S. to urge the cancellation or reduction of debt owed to the institution by a country only if the country meets the same requirements applicable in this legislation. Debt relief to poor countries as described in this legislation is responsible debt relief. Passage of this legislation could help to foster the growth and development of democracy, respect for human rights, the promotion of religious freedom, the establishment of freedom of the press, and greater freedom of association in poor countries through helping these countries to have economic growth that will help their people. We need to help poor people in these countries overcome their debt burdens but it must be done responsibly. Rather than just write off debt from poor countries, this legislation sets up a framework to help those nations in their struggle toward democracy. It says progress in democratic reforms, honoring human rights, and opposition to terrorism are important for developing or poor countries. It says that one of the ways to help the poor is to give them opportunities created by engendering democracy, transparency, and much needed relief from their country's overwhelming debt burden. Lastly it says that if those goals are met, the U.S. will help those countries struggling to help their citizens to a better, more prosperous life. I introduce this legislation to begin the discussion of how the U.S. can help bring hope to the poorest people in the world through the promotion of debt relief and good government. While this legislation may not be the perfect answer, I am hopeful this legislation could provide the foundation for discussion on how to help the poor and give them opportunities so that the next Congress and the next Administration can deal with this important issue.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Madam Speaker, I am disappointed that a section of H.R. 4868 may ease the process in which gum arabic from Sudan may be imported into the United States. The President imposed comprehensive sanctions against Sudan because of its horrible human rights record, sponsorship of terrorism, and implication in the assassination attempt on Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, under Executive Order 13067, on November 3, 1997. With the events of the past few weeks, including the bombing of the U.S.S. Cole, this Congress should not be weakening or adjusting the sanctions in place on Sudan. We have reports that Osama bin Laden has been involved in and may still have a role in the gum arabic industry in Sudan. It has also been reported that bin Laden could be a prime suspect in masterminding the bombing of the U.S.S. Cole. We do know that he has been implicated in the attacks on two U.S. embassies in Africa. In short, this is a horrible time for Congress and for the Administration to weaken our resolve on sanctions against Sudan.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I want to add my congratulations to the many tributes recently given to the Honorable William H. Avery, a former member of this House and a former governor of the state of Kansas. On September 29, the post office in Wakefield, Kansas, the hometown of Bill Avery, was renamed in his honor, and the town honored their native son by proclaiming the event the ``William H. Avery Day.'' I had the pleasure of working with Bill Avery at the Department of the Interior in the early 1970's after his distinguished 10-year career in Congress and as the 37th governor of Kansas. After receiving a degree from the University of Kansas in 1934, he went back to his hometown to work the family farm. He started his public service career on the local school board in his hometown, and from there was elected to the Kansas State House of Representatives before moving on to Congress and the Kansas statehouse. Bill Avery is a man of honor and integrity who has devoted his life to serving the public. He continues to reside in Wakefield today, and it's a fitting tribute to this fine gentleman that the people of his hometown have recognized his service to their community by renaming their post office in his honor. I join in saluting The Honorable William H. Avery.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I submit for the Record the following charts relating to the debate on the Conference Report to H.R. 4475, the Department of Transportation and Related Agencies, 2001 Appropriations bill. [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] TH10OC00.001 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] TH10OC00.002 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] TH10OC00.003 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] TH10OC00.004 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] TH10OC00.005 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] TH10OC00.006