Frank Wolf

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure today to recognize the outstanding service of Colonel Wesley Fox, USMC (retired), of Front Royal, Virginia. Colonel Fox was one of only five Marines to receive the Medal of Honor for their valiant heroism during Operation Dewey Canyon in Vietnam and he was the only one who survived to wear it. A bronze plaque will be placed in the Warren County Courthouse on July 7 honoring Colonel Fox. Raised in Front Royal with ambitions toward farming, Colonel Fox followed his cousins into the armed services at the onset of the Korean War. At the age of 18 he was thrust into intense fighting after only five months in the U.S. Marine Corps. Just nine months later, he was carried off the field of battle due to wounds that would alter his life plan. He would remain in the Marine Corps and over the following 16 years he worked his way through all the enlisted ranks to first sergeant. Instead of taking the more conventional path of retirement, Colonel Fox chose to begin the climb through the officers' ranks. His tour of duty took him again to the battlefield of Vietnam as a first lieutenant. In Operation Dewey Canyon he led his 1st Battalion 9th Marines, called the ``Walking Dead.'' Despite losing three quarters of his men and receiving several wounds, Colonel Fox continued to valiantly lead his troops. By the end of the war he would be awarded the Medal of Honor by President Nixon and would rise to the rank of captain. Forced to retire at age 62 after an unprecedented 43 years of service, Colonel Fox continued to serve his country working with the Corps of Cadets at Virginia Polytechnic Institute. He had the unique distinction of working his way through every rank from private to colonel. Colonel Fox is a member of the United States Marine Corps Hall of Heroes. Front Royal has the distinction of being the only town in the United States that has produced two Medal of Honor recipients. It is my honor and privilege to salute Colonel Fox and extend gratitude and congratulations to him as our country did 33 years ago with our Nation's highest award for military heroism. We say to him, ``Semper Fi!''

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure today to recognize my friend and constituent, Mr. William R. Wren, on the occasion of his retirement from active service on the governing body of the City of Manassas Park, Virginia. Bill's faithful service to the City of Manassas Park on the City Council, Potomac and Rappahannock Transportation Commission, Virginia Railway Express Board and many other organizations has helped guide the city through a time of overwhelming growth. Bill's involvement in the community and dedication to the City of Manassas Park for over 20 years has been invaluable. However, the case could be made that Bill's most notable contributions have been to his wife Alice Jean Roy Wren of 36 years and their three children--David, Roy and Dean. Though Bill's contributions will be missed, I know the people of the City of Manassas Park wish him the best as he now has the chance to have more time to spend with his family and especially his grandchildren. It is my pleasure to honor the achievements of Bill Wren today as we recognize his dedicated public service career. On behalf of the people of Virginia's 10th Congressional District and the residents of the City of Manassas Park, I wish to thank and congratulate Bill for his exceptional contributions to the community.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I would like to submit for the Record three recent articles regarding the ongoing crisis in Darfur, Sudan. I will continue to submit these accounts until the world takes notice. I will not let the world say ``we did not know.'' [From the BBC News] Sudanese Children Dying of Hunger Hundreds of children have started to starve to death in Sudan's war-torn western province of Darfur The BBC's Hilary Andersson saw the burial of two-year-old Ikram and says 400 other children in the same camp in Kalma were unable to keep food down. Their families have fled attacks by pro-government Arab militias, accused of forcing black Africans off the land. Last week, a senior aid worker said 300,000 people would starve in Darfur, even if help is sent immediately. Some 10,000 have died in Darfur, since a rebellion broke out last year and one million have fled their homes. The rains have already begun to fall, which will soon make Darfur, an area the size of France, virtually impassable, our correspondent says. `Too little' Speaking after his return from the area, UK Secretary for International Development Hilary Benn said Darfur was undoubtedly the largest humanitarian crisis in the world and more aid agencies were needed there. ``We are in a race against time in Darfur,'' he told MPs. He admitted that the international response to the crisis had been too little, too late but said the UK was committed to doing all that it could. ``I have also been concerned about the adequacy and speed of the UN's response, although this should now change.'' Our reporter in Darfur says that while Ikram died, another boy on the same mat, Joseph, could not be coaxed to eat. His mother could do nothing but watch. The mother of nine-month-old Adam says that she walked without food for 10 days to reach the camp. ``The militias burnt our village . . . They were burning the children,'' she said. Our correspondent says village after village in Darfur has been burnt, while food is running out in all the camps, where people have sought refuge. Air-strikes ``If we get relief in, we could lose a third of a million. If we do not, it could be a million,'' Andrew Natsios, head of the U.S. Agency for International Development told a UN donor conference last week. The figures were based on mortality and malnutrition rates, he said. The government and two rebel groups have signed a ceasefire but the rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) has accused the army and its militia allies of attacking them near the border with Chad earlier this week. Jem official Abu Bakr Hamid al-Nur told Reuters news agency that the government had used an Antonov aircraft and helicopters to bomb the rebel positions.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, it is an honor to recognize Al Burch, who has served northern Virginia as an educator for 42 years. Mr. Burch spent 32 years as the principal of Bishop O'Connell High School in Arlington, Virginia. After over four decades of dedicated service to our youths, Mr. Burch announced his retirement earlier this month. I am proud to call attention to the achievements and dedication of Mr. Burch as he ends his career as an educator and principal. I would also like to share a recent article from The Arlington Catholic Herald which honors Mr. Burch and describes his many accomplishments. [From the Arlington Catholic Herald, May 20, 2004] Forty-Two-Year Run Comes to an End for O'Connell's Burch (By Mary Frances McCarthy) In 2001, at the beginning of his 40th year at Bishop O'Connell High School in Arlington, Principal Al Burch told the Herald, ``In about two or three years I'll be ready to retire.'' Three years later, the O'Connell family is saying goodbye to Burch, a much-loved and respected coach and administrator who has worked at the school for all but four years of its existence. A farewell Mass and party will be held at the school on June 5 at 5 p.m. When his career began, Burch never imagined he would spend 32 years as an administrator. After graduating from the University of Corpus Christi in Texas with a bachelor's degree in education, Burch thought that ``Everyone would hire me because I was so good at sports.'' Burch attended the university on a football scholarship. When coaching jobs didn't fall at his feet as he thought they would, he took a job at Surrattsville Junior High in Clinton, Md., teaching history, science and English. In 1961, Burch learned of an opening in physical education at O'Connell through Bob Rusevlyan, athletic director. Burch took the job, teaching health and physical education and coaching football, baseball and basketball. Under his leadership, the O'Connell 1963-65 baseball teams were Catholic League champions and gained nationwide recognition in the Baseball Hall of Fame in Cooperstown, NY, for winning 42 consecutive games. Coinciding with the beginning of co-education at Bishop O'Connell, Burch was named assistant principal under Msgr. McMurtrie in 1972. ``I owe a lot to Msgr. McMurtrie,'' Burch said. ``He saw it was my dream to keep coaching, but he saw something in me that maybe I didn't see.'' While Burch was assistant principal, coaching three sports and raising three kids, he went back to school to get a master's degree in education at American University. ``And I still haven't slept well since then,'' Burch said. His coaching career ended in 1977, when he was named principal of O'Connell by former Arlington Bishop Thomas J. Welsh. In the first 10 years Burch was at O'Connell, the school grew from 1,000 students to 1,600 students, with a wait list 200 students long. In 1982, Bishop Welsh opened Paul VI Catholic High School to ease the strain on O'Connell. Now, in a diocese with three diocesan high schools and three private Catholic high schools, Burch said, ``The chemistry of O'Connell is what makes it different.'' With more than 110 teachers, 12 are Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, 18 are retired military personnel and 28 are O'Connell graduates. Burch said he has prided himself by being able to ``put talent where they belong.'' ``Surrounding myself with great people has been the key to my success,'' he said. ``Sitting back and watching them work has been a joy.'' To Burch, O'Connell's teachers are all first draft teachers. He has organized his school much like he would a baseball or football team. Only the best are good enough for him. ``That chemistry, and people who want to be here, I'm proud of that,'' Burch said. ``We've been able to maintain that we are a Catholic school.'' Burch said O'Connell has had more than 65 alumni who have pursued religious vocations. Dr. Timothy McNiff, diocesan superintendent of schools, said that Burch's leadership ``epitomizes the uniqueness required of those individuals who have been given the task of ensuring our Catholic schools are institutions of both academic success and Christian values.'' O'Connell was recognized by the U.S. Department of Education in 1993 as a Blue Ribbon School and Burch was honored by The Washington Post in 1997 when he was named a ``Principal of Excellence.'' In his retirement, Burch said, he will miss the students above all else. ``I enjoy seeing them,'' he said. ``I think O'Connell comes closer to that term, family. People return to O'Connell. They're very happy here.'' Burch looks forward to continuing his relationship with Bishop O'Connell High School and working with the alumni. In ongoing renovations at O'Connell, he still hopes to see an Alumni of Distinction hall. ``There are people out there doing great things.'' O'Connell has over 15,000 graduates. ``They're really making a positive impact on society. I hear good stuff.'' All three of Burch's children--Kenny, Karen and Kristy--are among those graduates. Burch hopes that one day, his five grandchildren, ``if they study and work hard,'' will go to O'Connell too, and become members of the O'Connell family. ``I consider myself blessed and fortunate,'' Burch said. ``It's been a great job. I didn't have to work to make O'Connell classy. It's always been a class act.''

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I would like to pay tribute to a brave human rights leader on the world stage, Ms. Hauwa Ibrahim. On June 17, Ms. Ibrahim will be honored by the Tahirih Justice Center during its Seventh Annual Banquet. Ms. Ibrahim, who has exerted extraordinary efforts to protect and promote the rights of women under Sharia law, is an inspiration and it is my pleasure to pay special tribute to this extraordinary woman. Ms. Ibrahim resides in Nigeria and is a senior partner in the general law practice of the ARIES law firm and is also the legal aid counsel. She has been a defense counsel to over 40 Sharia-related cases that she has undertaken on a pro bono basis. Ms. Ibrahim serves as a consultant relating to the application of Sharia law to many international and non-governmental organizations including the United Nations Development Program, Lawyers Without Borders, and the European Union Commission on Nigeria. In addition, since 1999, Ms. Ibrahim has led a team of defense lawyers in addressing issues corresponding to the implementation of Sharia law. She is best known in this country for being the lead counsel for Amina Lawal, the Nigerian woman who was spared death by stoning for having a child out of wedlock. At the Tahirih Justice Center Banquet, ``A Woman's Life, A Child's Future: A World of Possibilities,'' Ms. Ibrahim will be honored with the Pushing the Envelope award. The Tahirih Justice Center, a Virginia- based organization, is one of the nation's foremost pro bono legal advocacy organizations for women and girls fleeing human rights abuses. Since opening its doors in 1997, Tahirih has assisted over 4,000 women and girls fleeing horrific abuse throughout the world. Tahirih works to transform policies, develop regulations, and establish precedent so that systemic change will ensure the long-term protection of women and girls from violence. I commend their work to protect and promote justice for women and girls worldwide. Mr. Speaker, Ms. Ibrahim is a leader in women's rights and I ask my colleagues to join in praise of Ms. Ibrahim's commitment and hard work.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I would like to submit for the record a letter sent to Secretary General Kofi Annan signed by 45 Members of Congress asking Mr. Annan to go to Darfur, Sudan, to end the genocide. I would also like to submit for the record an article from the Washington Post, ``In Sudan, Staring Genocide in the Face.'' The author is Jerry Fowler, staff director of the Committee on Conscience, The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. We are staring genocide in the face. Will the world fail to act as it has so many times in the past? Over the next few weeks I will continue to submit stories from leading news sites on this issue. I want the world to know that when historians are looking back at the Darfur genocide and wondering why more was not done, there will be evidence in the Congressional Record that the world knew. Congress of the United States, June 4, 2004. Hon. Kofi Annan, Secretary General, United Nations New York, NY. Dear Mr. Secretary General: We are extremely concerned that the crisis in Darfur, Sudan, has not received the international attention or response that is needed to save the lives of hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians. With the rainy season just weeks away, the window of opportunity is closing. The situation on the ground is deteriorating at an alarming rate. Urgent, immediate action is needed to prevent the deaths of hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians. Your going to Darfur would call to the world's attention the ongoing slaughter. Precious time is slipping away. We greatly appreciate your leadership on this crisis but the situation calls for even bolder action from the United Nations. We urge you to go to Darfur and stand in solidarity with the people. The international community must act swiftly. Failure to act will bring certain death to the thousands languishing in camps. The world will wake up 10 years from now and wonder why more was not done to protect humanity. The evidence is clear. We cannot say that we did not know. Sincerely, Frank R. Wolf; Donald M. Payne; Tom Lantos; Edward R. Royce; Henry J. Hyde; Christopher H. Smith; Sheila Jackson- Lee; Peter A. Defazio; Michael R. McNulty; Peter Deutsch; Lois Capps; Chris Bell; Wm. Lacy Clay; Martin T. Meehan; Michael M. Honda; Elijah E. Cummings; James P. McGovern; Raul M. Grijalva; Todd W. Akin; Vic Snyder; Barbara Lee. Ken Calvert; Maurice D. Hinchey; Julia Carson; James T. Walsh; Wayne T. Gilchrest; Carolyn B. Maloney; Edolphus Towns; Michael E. Capuano; Mark Steven Kirk; Chris Van Hollen; Jesse L. Jackson; Sue Wilkins Myrick; Betty McCollum; Brad Sherman; Lucille Roybal-Allard; James P. Moran; Henry A. Waxman; Thomas G. Tancredo; Jo Ann Davis; Luis V. Gutierrez; Gerald D. Kleczka; Timothy V. Johnson; Nita M. Lowey; Sam Farr.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure today to recognize those hereos who have made the ultimate sacrifice for our nation. There is no tribute too great that we can offer these courageous men and women. These men and women join a lengthy list of hereos from the 10th District of Virginia who have fought and died so that others might be free. Starting with the French and Indian War before our nation was formed to those serving today in hostile environments in the War on Terrorism, our district has proudly served the Armed Forces of the United States. I take this opportunity today not only to honor those who made the ultimate sacrifice but to honor the loved ones they left behind and let them know that this nation has not forgotten the pain they must endure. The fallen lived and died with a nobility of purpose which those of us left behind have a sacred duty to carry on. Each one of us must fight to keep this nation free and worthy of sacrifice. There is no greater love for humanity than to give one's life for the freedom we all cherish. I ask that everyone pray for the men and women in uniform who are in harm's way in Iraq, in Afghanistan and other parts of the world where we have a military presence. They need and deserve our support.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I join today with others in the House in expressing deepest condolences to Nancy Reagan and the Reagan family on the passing of Ronald Wilson Reagan, the 40th President of the United States of America, and in paying tribute to President Reagan as we remember his presidency and what he meant to our country and indeed to the world. I deeply admired and respected President Reagan. I had the good fortune to run for the 10th District of Virginia seat in Congress in November 1980 when he was elected to his first term. Some called my victory then ``on Reagan's coattails.'' I have no doubt I'm in Congress today because of him. I will always be grateful that after my two unsuccessful bids for Congress, Ronald Reagan led the ticket that I was on and I became a member of the Class of 1980. As we remember President Reagan today, I have been moved by the outpouring of love and support we have been seeing over the past few days across our Nation and especially in California, where he served the Golden State as governor for two terms. ``Thank you, President Reagan. You made us proud again.'' That was the sentiment on one of the many posters and other mementos in memory of President Reagan placed outside the entrance to his presidential library in Simi Valley, California, the day after his death on June 5. And that sentiment could well sum up the legacy of President Reagan, who lost his 10-year battle with Alzheimer's disease at age 93. He was the leader of our Nation when Americans needed to know and more importantly to believe that indeed it was ``morning again in America,'' and the best was yet to come for our great country--that we could be proud to stand up and be called an American. He made us feel good again. He gave us hope. He inspired us. He gave us optimism because he was an optimist. And when we needed to be comforted at a time of our own Nation's mourning in the wake of the space shuttle Challenger disaster in 1986, he was there for us, speaking to us much like a father, telling us it would be all right: ``It's all part of the process of exploration and discovery. It's all part of taking a chance and expanding man's horizons. The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave. . . . Nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue.'' The June 7 edition of National Journal's Hotline headlined, ``Ronald Wilson Reagan,'' described Mr. Reagan's presidency well: The optimism of Morning in America left little room for mourning in America. So instead of grief, there is respect for the man, celebration of his boldness, relief for his widow, and memories of leadership with purpose, grace and humor. He literally disarmed his enemies aboard with his tenacity. He gently disarmed his political enemies at home with his modesty. If he was overestimated as an actor, he was underestimated as a political leader. Because he never quite fit in with official Washington, he stayed connected inseparably with the people. And for an entire generation of Americans, he defined the Presidency. He dreamt, acted out, and embodied the American dream. He was a leader. Those who agreed with his policies cherished his principles. Those who doubted his capacities wondered at his accomplishments. Friend and foe have come to see him as an American icon, whose light may forever shine from his city on the hill. In many ways, President Reagan's profound conviction that every human being had the right to live in freedom inspired my work for humanitarian and human rights causes. While he didn't always outwardly show it, he was a man of deep faith. He said in a speech before the House of Commons in 1982: ``We must be staunch in our conviction that freedom is not the sole prerogative of a lucky few, but the inalienable and universal right of all human beings.'' I saw a poignant television news report from southern California on Sunday evening which also reminded me that another crucial part of his legacy belongs not only to America, but to the world. A woman was interviewed. She was holding a bouquet of flowers. Tears were streaming down her face. She had a broken English accent and identified herself as a Russian emigrant. She said she had to come to the makeshift memorial outside the funeral home where President Reagan was resting because, ``I owe my life to President Reagan.'' I was also reminded of how President Reagan gave hope to the persecuted peoples of the world when I read an opinion article from the June 6 edition of The Jerusalem Post written by former Soviet political dissident Natan Sharansky. I will insert the entire text of that article for the Record. Mr. Sharansky wrote: In 1983, 1 was confined to an eight-by-ten foot prison cell on the border of Siberia. My Soviet jailers gave me the privilege of reading the latest copy of Pravda. Splashed across the front page was a condemnation of President Ronald Reagan for having the temerity to call the Soviet Union an ``evil empire.'' Tapping on walls and talking through toilets, word of Reagan's ``provocation'' quickly spread throughout the prison. We dissidents were ecstatic. Finally, the leader of the free world had spoken the truth--a truth that burned inside the heart of each and every one of us. Who will ever forget Ronald Reagan calling the Soviet Union ``an evil empire'' and his challenge to then-Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev outside the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin: ``Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.'' And who would ever have imagined the relationship President Reagan forged with Mr. Gorbachev which ultimately led to the fall of communism and indeed, the tearing down of the Berlin wall. Mikhail Gorbachev will honor that legacy of President Reagan by his attendance at Mr. Reagan's funeral service at the National Cathedral in Washington on Friday, June 11. Ronald Reagan was a remarkable man and I believe will be remembered by history as one of the greatest presidents of our Nation. I will close by sharing his own words spoken in August 1992 about how he wanted to be remembered: Whatever else history may say about me when I'm gone, I hope it will record that I appealed to your best hopes, not your worst fears, to your confidence rather than you doubts, and may all of you as Americans never forget your heroic origins, never fail to seek divine guidance, and never, never lose your God-given optimism. We thank God for the life of Ronald Wilson Reagan. Republican Members who were elected in 1980 on the ticket with President Reagan: Wendell Bailey, Missouri; Cleve Benedict, West Virginia; Tom Bliley, Virginia; Hank Brown, Colorado; Greg Carman, New York; Gene Chappie, California; Dan Coats, Indiana; Jim Coyne, Pennsylvania; Larry Craig, Idaho; Hal Daub, Nebraska; Larry DeNardis, Connecticut; David Dreier, California; Jim Dunn, Michigan; Bill Emerson, Missouri; T. Cooper Evans, Iowa; Bobbi Fiedler, California; Jack Fields, Texas; Steve Gunderson, Wisconsin; and Judd Gregg, New Hampshire. James Hansen, Utah; Tommy Hartnett, South Carolina; Bill Hendon, North Carolina; John (Jack) Hiler, Indiana; Duncan Hunter, California; Gene Johnston, North Carolina; John LeBoutillier, New York; Bill Lowery, California; Bill McCollum, Florida; Bob McEwen, Ohio; Ray McGrath, New York; David Martin, New York; Lynn Martin, Illinois; Guy Molinari, New York; Sid Morrison, Washington; John Napier, South Carolina; and Jim Nelligan, Pennsylvania. Mike Oxley, Ohio; Stan Parris, Virginia; Clint Roberts, South Dakota; Pat Roberts, Kansas; Hal Rogers, Kentucky; Marge Roukema, New Jersey; Claudine Schneider, Rhode Island; Clay Shaw, Florida; Mark Siljander, Michigan; Joe Skeen, New Mexico; Albert Lee Smith, Alabama; Chris Smith, New Jersey; Denny Smith, Oregon; David (Mick) Staton, West Virginia; Ed Weber, Ohio; Vin Weber, Minnesota; Frank Wolf, Virginia; and George Wortley, New York.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I join with others in the House in expressing the deepest condolences to Nancy Reagan and the Reagan family on the passing of Ronald Wilson Reagan, the 40th President of the United States of America, and in paying tribute to President Reagan as we remember his Presidency and what he meant to our country and, indeed, to the world. I deeply admired and respected President Reagan. I had the good fortune to run for the 10th Congressional District of Virginia seat in Congress in November of 1980 when he was elected to his first term. Some called my victory then ``on Reagan's coattails.'' I have no doubt that I am in Congress today because of President Reagan. I will always be grateful that after my two successful bids for Congress Ronald Reagan led the ticket I was on and I became a member of the class of 1980. I am sure all members of the class of 1980 would agree, President Reagan made us feel good again. He gave us hope. He inspired us. He gave us optimism because he was an optimist. His legacy belongs not only to America but to the world. I saw a woman in California being interviewed. She was holding a bouquet of flowers and tears were streaming down her face. She had a broken English accent and identified herself as a Russian immigrant. She said she had to come to the makeshift memorial outside the funeral home where President Reagan was resting because, ``I owe my life to President Reagan.'' Mr. Speaker, I will close by sharing his own words spoken in August 1992 about how he wanted to be remembered. President Reagan said, ``Whatever else history may say about me when I am gone, I hope it will record that I appealed to your best hopes, not your worst fears, to your confidence rather than your doubts, and may all of you as Americans never forget your heroic origins, never fail to seek divine guidance, and never, never lose your God-given optimism.'' Mr. Speaker, we thank God for the life of Ronald Wilson Reagan.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I would like to call to the attention of the House the honoring of our former colleague Ambassador Tony Hall by The Center for Public Justice. Tony was recently presented with the center's 2004 Leadership Award. After his distinguished career in the House from 1979 until 2002, Tony was named the United States ambassador to the United Nations Agencies for Food and Agriculture in Rome, Italy. In his time in office, Tony Hall was a leading advocate for fighting domestic and international hunger. He helped to create the House Select Committee on Hunger, and was a founding member of the steering committee of the Congressional Friends of Human Rights Monitors. The Center for Public Justice is a distinguished nationwide civic organization striving to better the world through the active involvement of its citizens in the service of God. The Center for Public Justice's goal is the advancement of justice for all people in the community. The center's annual leadership award could not have been given to a more deserving person than Tony Hall. On behalf of all our colleagues, we salute you, Tony.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure today to recognize my friend and constituent, Manassas Mayor Marvin L. Gillum. After a long and distinguished career serving the city of Manassas, Marvin has announced that he will retire from the position of mayor. Marvin entered public life in 1980 as a member of the Manassas School Board, serving as chairman from 1985 to 1995. In 1996, Marvin was elected mayor of the City of Manassas, an office which he has held ever since. In addition to his career as a public servant to his lifelong home of Manassas, Marvin practiced dentistry for 40 years and assumed a second career in investment advising in 1987. Throughout his career, Marvin has worked tenaciously on behalf of the City of Manassas. Among Marvin's many accomplishments, he helped establish a system for improved communications with neighboring jurisdictions, promoted the extensive industrial and commercial expansion in the City of Manassas, led the celebrated revitalization of Old Town Manassas, fought for funding for the Loy E. Harris Pavilion and the Center for the Arts, and encouraged the development of the city's school system, facilitating accreditation by the Virginia Standards of Learning. A humble and notoriously polite man, Marvin is referred to by friends and colleagues as a ``leader'' and a ``gentleman,'' known for his good sense and judgment, and stabilizing influence on the city. He worked closely and cooperatively with his staff and the rest of the City Council, acquiring the deepest respect from his peers. Vice Mayor Hal Parrish commented: ``Mayor Gillum is the very soul of Manassas. He has led the City Government, the School Board and the community with thought, idealism, and caring leadership . . . Speaking for all of the City Council, we will miss his insight and guidance when the decisions get difficult.'' John Foote, a lawyer and personal friend of Mayor Gillum also said, ``He's one of the finest men I've ever known. He's just a wonderful mayor . . . And I don't know anyone who doesn't share my emotion toward him.'' Mayor Gillum is married to Mardi Gillum and they have three daughters. It is my pleasure to honor the achievements of Mayor Marvin Gillum today as we celebrate his eminent public career. On behalf of the people of Virginia's 10th Congressional District and the residents of Manassas, I wish to thank and congratulate Mr. Gillum for his exceptional contributions to the community.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I commend the House, Chairman Hyde and International Relations Committee for bringing H. Con. Res. 403 to the floor quickly and I urge a unanimous vote for this important resolution. The conflict in Sudan began early last year when the Government of Sudan began arming the Janjaweed militia to suppress local rebel groups. The Janjaweed, with the support of government troops began their reign of terror on the people of Darfur. The result--ethnic cleansing and the death of thousands of innocent civilians. One million people are now displaced. Village after village attacked, looted and burned. The survivors bear scars of mutilation and rape. Schools filled with students have been attacked and the girls raped. Thousands of survivors walk days, weeks and sometimes months in the unrelenting sun to seek safety in Chad. They are pursued by Janjaweed and often bombed as they languish on the border. Hundreds of thousands of civilians are trapped in camps inside Darfur. Surrounded by militia and unable to leave to seek water or firewood. Families are forced to make life or death decisions on which family member will go to gather food and risk certain death. People are living on top of each other in crowed camps. Disease and malnutrition are rampant. USAID now estimates that by fall the world will see catastrophic mortality rates from disease and starvation. The world has finally found its voice as reports are trickling out describing the reality of Darfur. The headlines in major U.S. newspapers have read like a horror film: ``Sudan militiamen on horses uproot a million''; ``Sudan's hellish humanitarian crisis''; ``Sudan's Darfur is calm because there are no more villages to burn''. ``Sudan starving Darfur refuges'' I would like to read an excerpt from the May 15 Economist: Her story is typical. . . . An air raid caught her unawares: as bombs fell, she ran around in confusion. When the bombers had completed their return pass, the horizon filled with dust, the ground shuddered, and a host of mounted militiamen charged through the village, killing all the young men they could find . . . her 18-month baby . . . killed by shrapnel. Two weeks later her oldest son, 15, was made to kneel in line with other young men before being shot in the back of the head. Her husband disappeared the same day. But words are not enough. The international community has been reluctant to act. Secretary General Kofi Annan should go to Darfur and stand with the persecuted. I introduced this resolution so Members of Congress would have the opportunity to voice their support for the innocent people in Darfur. This resolution strongly condemns the Government of Sudan and government-supported militia groups for attacks against innocent civilians, in violation of the Geneva Convention. The Government of Sudan should immediately disarm the militia, and allow full unconditional humanitarian access to Darfur. The civilians who are languishing in camps should be provided immediate protection. Why is the world slow to respond when atrocities are taking place before our eyes? The world has said never again over and over again, yet when it is put to the test and charged with protecting humanity it continues to fail. Why has the international community become content with the slaughter of innocent human beings? When will the death of innocent human beings be too much for the world to bear? We need to be bold and willing to condemn and shame countries that commit atrocities against their own citizens. It is our moral responsibility to protect humanity and not sit idly by in the face of horror. Those of us in public office have the unique responsibility and the power of our voices to confront evil. The world is a safer place when the world sides with the opposed. Today, let our voices be raised for the innocent people of Darfur. Mr. Speaker, I submit for the Record the full Economist story. I urge every Member to read the graphic detail of Khartoums destruction of innocent lives. [From the Economist, May 15, 2004] Fleeing the Horsemen Who Kill for Khartoum Her children's bodies were rotting in the village wells, where Arab militiamen had thrown them to poison the water supply. But Kaltuma Hasala Adan did not flee her home. Leaving her crops and livestock would condemn the rest of the family to death, she reasoned. So she stayed put for four months, despite her government's strenuous efforts to terrorize her into flight. Her story is typical of western Sudan's black Africans. Her village was first attacked in January. An air raid caught her unawares: as the bombs fell, she ran around in confusion. When the bombers had completed their return pass, the horizon filled with dust, the ground shuddered, and a host of mounted militiamen charged through the village, killing all the young men they could find. During that first attack, Kaltuma's 18-month baby, Ali, was killed by shrapnel. Two weeks later, her oldest son, Issa, 15, was made to kneel in line with other young men before being shot in the back of the head. Her husband disappeared the same day. For four wretched months, Kaltuma lived with both ears strained for the faint drone of bombers, poised to dash with her three surviving children to a hiding place in a dry river bed. Then the janjaweed--an Arab militia that kills for the Sudanese government--rode up to finish the job. They razed her village entirely. She fled from the embers of her hut and trekked for four days through the desert. Across the border in Chad, she found sanctuary in the town of Tine. Thousands of her neighbours were already there when she arrived. The UN's humanitarian co-ordinator for Sudan, Mukesh Kapila, described what is going on in Darfur, an arid region of western Sudan, as ``the worst humanitarian crisis in the world''. Human Rights Watch, a lobby group, has accused Sudan's Arab-dominated government of crimes against humanity. The government is seeking to purge Darfur of black Africans, using methods as cruel as they are effective. Perhaps a million people have fled their homes. Officials deny ethnic cleansing, of course, but the refugees say they lie. As Kaltuma tells her story, a crowd gathers to corroborate it. Osman Nurrudin Sadr says his whole family was killed. Khadija Yacob Abdallah, a pretty 17-year-old, watched her parents die and was then gang-raped. All the refugees offer the same explanation. ``They want to kill us because we are black,'' says one. It is a little more complicated than that. Sudan, Africa's largest country, is the scene of two separate but related civil wars. One, between the north and south, pits the Arab, Islamist government against rebels who are mostly black African and non-Muslim. This war has been raging intermittently for half a century, but has come tantalizingly close to resolution in the past year: partly because of foreign pressure, especially from America, and partly because both sides, exhausted, wish to stop fighting and share Sudan's new-found oil wealth. The other war, between the government and two rebel groups in Darfur, pits Muslim against Muslim. The divide in Darfur is ethnic, between Arabs and black Africans. This war flared up only last year. It was seen at first as a mere sideshow, but is now too vast and vile to be ignored. centuries of suffering The south has been marginalized for centuries. Arab slavers used it as a hunting-ground for human booty, despite Anglo- Egyptian attempts to crush the trade in the 19th century. When independence came in 1956, southerners demanded autonomy. They were ignored, so they rebelled. The war paused between 1972 and 1983, but then resumed. The government used scorched-earth tactics against the main rebel group, the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), bombing villages suspected of rebel sympathies, and arming and encouraging militias to kill and pillage in rebel-held areas. Slave raids continued, checked only by the absence of tarmac roads in the south. Largely because it involved Muslims enslaving Christians, the war gripped the imagination of America's influential Christian lobby. In fact, only a minority of southern Sudanese are Christians; the rest are cheerfully polytheistic or animist. Nonetheless, America took an interest, which increased when the radical Islamist regime in Khartoum hosted Osama bin Laden in the early 1900s. In retaliation for al- Qaeda'a attacks on American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, President Bill Clinton bombed a Sudanese factory he said was producing nerve gas, but which may have been making aspirin. The regime was already distancing itself from its international terrorist associates, a process swiftly accelerated by the American invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Sudan's rulers rounded up terrorist suspects, shared intelligence and froze Mr. bin Laden's assets in Sudan, including a cannabis farm worked by child slaves who had apparently been brought from a Ugandan rebel group for one Kalashnikov each. At the same time, the Sudanese government started to yield to American pressure to seek peace with the south. Negotiations have been tortuous, but Vice-President Ali Osman Taha keeps talking to John Garang, the SPLA leader. If the government shows bad faith, America threatens to choke it with sanctions and to bankroll the SPLA. Since 2001 the two sides have hammered out a series of agreements that are supposed to culminate in a comprehensive peace. Last September they signed a security accord, mapping out how Khartoum will withdraw most of its troops from the south. This year has seen a written agreement on how to split the revenues from the oil that lies under Sudanese sand, and verbal agreements on power-sharing and the future of three contested areas. Some of these are on the northern side of the line (see map), but their inhabitants consider themselves southern. For an interim period of six years, Sudan is to remain one country, with Omar al-Bashir, the current president, remaining in office, and with Mr. Garang, the rebel leader, as his deputy. Then there is to be a referendum in which southerners will be offered the choice of staying or seceding. the west burns The trouble with this plan for a new Sudan is that it involves only the two main belligerents. Peaceful opposition groups have been left out. Since neither the government nor the SPLA is remotely democratic, many Sudanese seethe at the prospect of them divvying up the petrodollars. In Darfur, that rage has sparked mayhem. Darfur has seen sporadic fighting for generations. As the desert has expanded, camel- and cattle-herding Arab nomads have bickered with black African farmers over dwindling supplies of water and pasture. Darfur's black tribes complain that, since the 1980s, they have been pushed out of government jobs in favor of Arabs. And the region has been flooded with weapons. Khartoum first armed the janjaweed so they could ride south and pillage SPLA territory. Arms from a long-running conflict between Chad and Libya seeped across the border into Darfur. Last year, a new rebel group, the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) appeared in Darfur and won a string of victories. Soon after, a second group sprang up, the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). The government in Kartoum felt vulnerable. It was terrified that rebel successes in Darfur might inspire other marginalised groups in the north and east, especially since the SLA has links with a rebel group in the east. The government struck back, not only against the rebels, but also against their ethnic kin. It unleashed the janjaweed. To swell the militia's ranks, Arab criminals were released from jail and given horses, $100 each and carte blanche to loot. (These ex-prisoners are labeled ta'ibeen, ``those who have repented''.) The janjaweed have clattered into village after African village, torching the straw roofs of conical huts, killing young men who might join the rebels, raping women who might feed them, and stealing everything they can carry off. Sometimes they brand the hands of the women they rape, to make the stigma permanent. They have also torched dozens of mosques and torn up and defecated on copies of the Koran. Whatever inspires them, it is not Islam. Their victims have no doubt that the janjaweed enjoy the state's blessing. When asked what gives them the right to stop blacks at road blocks, the militiamen reply: ``We are the government.'' When pillaging, they are often supported by the air force and by the regular army. ``First the planes come, then the janjaweed and finally government soldiers,'' says a refugee. ``They are brothers united on a mission to kill.'' It was a long time before the outside world took notice. At first, both America and the UN hesitated to make a fuss about Darfur for fear of derailing the north-south peace process. But in March, the UN's man on the spot started making comparisons with the Rwandan genocide of 1994. That was an exaggeration, but it prompted Washington to lean on Khartoum to end the ethnic cleansing. A ceasefire followed on April 8th, supposedly to help aid workers do their job, but was quickly broken. Fighting and pillage continue, making it hard to feed the displaced. The UN does not want to get too close to the border--the janjaweed do not respect international boundaries--so it has moved 35,000 refugees deep into Chad. Tens of thousands remain stranded near the border. Those unfortunate enough to wind up in camps in Darfur have been deliberately starved by the janjaweed, according to the UN. Brave charities such as Medecins Sans Frontieres have ignored the occasional air raid to dole out medical supplies, feed the hungriest and vaccinate against a meningitis outbreak. Most refugees in Chad have depended on food and water from the locals who, though poor, are startlingly generous. Supplies are running out, however, and the UN mission is short of cash. The rainy season is almost here, when the valleys will fill with water and it will be impossible to get the refugees into the half-empty camps that await them. UN lorries lie stranded because there is no money for fuel and the drivers, unpaid for six weeks, have gone on strike. Over 10,000 newly arrived refugees around Bahai, north of Tine, have been dismissed as ``combatants''--though most are women, children or old men. For the UN, admitting that they are refugees would mean being obligated to look after them. ``I'm trying to think of something the UN has done right here, but I'm struggling,'' says one aid worker with a sigh. spears and ploughshares There is more to cheer about in southern Sudan. After years of enduring the same abuses now being lavished on Darfur, the south is relatively calm. In Rumbek, the largest town under SPLA control, where abandoned armoured cars rust outside buildings gutted by shelling, hardly any shrapnel has flown for two years. Half-forgotten tribal traditions are being rediscovered. On a dusty football pitch known as Freedom Square, thousands of young Dinka men, coated with ash and clad in glamorous calfskin skirts, gather to elect a sub-chief. Not long ago such affairs were subdued, forced indoors by the fear of aerial bombardment. Now they are gleefully raucous. War has left the south shattered. Most of the young warriors queuing behind their chosen candidates have known nothing else. There is no electricity or running water in the south, an area the size of France and Germany combined, and precious few schools, either. Southern children used to join either the rebels or government-backed militias. They grew up knowing how to march long distances on empty stomachs, but not how to read. Peace, if it lasts, will offer southerners a chance to grow less poor. In one village, your correspondent saw a group of SPLA soldiers melting bullets to fashion spearheads for hunting gazelles. The same men were baffled, however, by a consignment of ploughshares, kindly donated by a western aid agency. Unsure what these strange objects were for, they beat them down to make stools. Elsewhere, workers can be seen hacking through thorny scrub. They are clearing a path for a road, heading for a large rock in the wilderness known as Ramciel, or ``the place where the rhinos meet''. More accurately, it should be ``where rhinos used to meet'', as they were poached out of existence some time ago. It is here that the SPLA is thinking of building the south's principal city. Charles Deng, the assistant foreman, has big dreams for the place. ``First we will finish the road,'' he says. ``Then we will build skyscrapers and ponds, better than London or maybe even as good as Nairobi.'' Not everyone welcomes progress. An SPLA commander in nearby Yirol murmured into his beer that he hoped the capital would be built elsewhere. ``If they build it here then they will also build schools and our girls will be sent to those schools,'' he said. ``You know what the means? Their bride price will fall. My daughters will be worthless to me.'' The end of the war, or of Sudan? A formal deal ending the war is expected in the next few weeks, possibly sooner. Since President George Bush is widely seen as the architect of peace, he is perhaps more popular in southern Sudan than anywhere else on earth. At the Rumbek sub-chief's election one young warrior called Thuapon leaps frenetically in the air, proudly waving a white Barbie-doll in a pink dress. ``This is a new wife for President Bush. May God grant him many fertile women with firm bodies and an election victory without problems in Florida.'' The main outstanding issue concerns the religious status of Khartoum. The government wants it to remain under sharia (Islamic law); the SPLA does not. Some fudge is surely possible. Observers are confident that a deal will be signed. ``If Khartoum were to renege at this point, it would signal that this whole process was a charade from the beginning,'' says John Prendergast of the International Crisis Group, a campaigning think-tank. The difficulty will lie in how the deal is implemented. Unsurprisingly, southerners do not trust the government. ``They just want time to re-arm,'' says James Thucdong, an aspiring teacher in Rumbek. ``We know this is just a peace of one or two years. They will never let us become independent.'' Mr. Thucdong could well be right. There is no provision yet for what will happen to revenues from Sudan's oilfields, which lie mostly in the south, should voters choose secession. The two sides are unwilling to discuss this issue, but Khartoum would presumably never let the south go if that meant losing the petrodollars, too. ``When preparations begin for the independence referendum, we are going to see major meddling by elements in Khartoum, aimed at creating chaos in the south and delaying [the] plebiscite,'' predicts Mr. Prendergast. Another worry is that southerners are squabblesome. During the war, they spent as much time fighting each other as the government. Mr. Garang may still be the south's key leader, but his support for a united Sudan will irk secessionists, who are probably a majority in the south. Other ethnic groups resent the politically dominant Dinka people, and even the Dinka are divided. Once a peace deal is signed, many of the 4m southerners living in squatter camps around the main cities of the north will probably decide to pick their way through minefields and make the long journey home. Tension over scarce natural resources seems likely. As if to confound the optimists, there has been a serious outbreak of fighting in the ancient Shilluk kingdom since March. At least 70,000 people have been driven from their homes after battles between militias loyal to Khartoum and the SPLA. As usual in Sudan, most of the casualties were civilians. many voices, many fears In Khartoum, the mood is apprehensive. The political elite is genuinely alarmed at what capitulation to southern demands might encourage. Says Ghazi Attabani, a former presidential adviser: ``If the south were to secede, it would be catastrophic both for Sudan and for Africa. Secession would not be peaceful. Internal differences in the south would cause rifts which would make Rwanda seem like a picnic.'' Because of stringent censorship and the physical difficulty of visiting Sudan's more troubled areas, ordinary northerners have only a rough idea of what is going on in their own country. Some are optimistic. ``Of course the people can live together,'' says Ahmed Omar Othman, a shopkeeper. ``Just look around Khartoum, we do already. Here, you will find a church next to a mosque--surely that [proves it]? The real problem is whether the politicians can work together.'' The record of Sudanese politicians in this are is not good. Their preferred technique for holding this huge and multifarious country together--barbaric force--has been shown not to work. In Darfur, as Mr. Attabani admits, ``There is no military solution.'' Arming gangsters such as the Janjaweek is easy; reining them in again may prove much harder. Says Sharif Harir, chief negotiator for the SLA rebels: ``Even if Khartoum had the will to stop them, it probably doesnt' have the power.''

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to mark the 20th annual Public Service Recognition Week. I am proud to be a co-chair of the Congressional Public Service Caucus, proud to have been a federal employee, and proud to represent in Congress a large number of my constituents who are federal employees. These employees are a national asset who perform hard work day after day with professionalism and dedication. Federal employees are the backbone of our government. They can be found working to find cures for diseases at the National Institute of Health, helping seniors with their Social Security benefits, representing our interests overseas in the State Department, serving as stewards of parks in the National Park Service, helping our country defend the homeland at the Department of Defense and at the Department of Homeland Security. These are but a few examples of the many areas in which federal employees are serving our country. We must not forget those federal employees who are risking their lives in the war against terrorism. The first combat death in Afghanistan in the wake of September 11 was CIA officer Johnny Micheal Spann, one of my constituents. And today, federal employees can be found throughout the globe fighting the war against terrorism in many different ways. The sacrifice and hard work of our federal employees, whether abroad or at home, should never be forgotten. Federal employees deserve a proper pay raise--which is why I have been pleased to support pay parity for our federal employees since I have been in Congress. They deserve adequate health care--which is why I have supported legislation to make sure federal employees get the health benefits they need. And retired federal employees must not be forgotten--which is why I have supported legislation to aid federal employees in their retirement. Federal employees deserve to be honored during Public Service Recognition Week. But we must always remember the hard work they do for our country throughout the year.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, everyone should read Mark Lacey's piece in today's New York Times titled, ``In Sudan, Militiamen on Horses Uproot a Million.'' The article says, ``The men on horses killed my parents,'' referring to the militia who have been armed by the Government of Sudan. ``Then the planes came,'' referring to aerial bombardment by the Government of Sudan. Marc Lacey writes, ``Human rights groups and international officials charge that the militia has been used as a tool of the government to pursue a radical policy resembling ethnic cleansing.'' The militia knows no rules of war. ``They ride camels and horses and use automatic weapons against those they come across. They ride into the villages en masse and shoot anyone in sight. As the militiamen torch and loot, the villagers grab what they can and run.'' One young woman did not have time to get away. She was in bed when the Janjaweed moved in. Two men entered her hut, and raped her in front of her family. Raping, then branding the survivors is common practice in this forgotten land. Refugee after refugee tells the same story. Men on horseback, air raids, soldiers sweep into villages. As this crisis rages on, 1 million people are now internally displaced, and 100,000 refugees were forced into Chad. Unknown numbers have been murdered, and the world does little. With the rainy season just weeks away, the window for getting humanitarian assistance is closing. The international community has 6 weeks left. USAID has warned that by fall, the mortality rate will be 5 times the threshold for a major catastrophic event. Why is the aid not getting there? The Government of Sudan continues to stall in the issuing visas for aid workers and is preventing full humanitarian access to the region. The international community has just 6 weeks to act on their behalf. Where are the voices of outrage? Remember Rwanda 10 years ago? Remember all of the celebrations with regard to remember Rwanda and never let it happen again. Where are the voices? Is the international community going to fail the people of Darfur, Sudan? What will the world tell those who survive? Why is the United Nations and the international community not doing more? Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the Bush administration and the United States for taking the lead on this issue. Ambassador Richard Williamson gave a moving presentation in Geneva at the 60th session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights 2 weeks ago. He laid out the facts that show that ethnic cleansing is occurring in Sudan, and what did the United Nations Commission on Human Rights do, the lone body responsible? Zero, zip. Other than the United States, very few people would even speak out on this issue. The world must do more. We must speak out. I call on this Congress to speak out. Members who care about human rights should do all they can to help the people of Darfur in Sudan. This week the House Committee on International Relations will mark up H. Con. Res. 403, condemning the Government of Sudan for their complicity for what is happening in Darfur, and calling the international community to do the same, and urging immediate humanitarian access to the region. In closing, Mr. Speaker, The New York Times writes about rape, pillaging, and murder on its front page. We cannot say we did not know it is happening. If we fail to act, in another 10 years Darfur will be today's Rwanda and some Member of Congress will be standing here on the floor asking those in the body at that time to remember the genocide that took place in Darfur. Is that what this world wants? In Sudan, Militiamen on Horses Uproot a Million (By Marc Lacey) Nyala, Sudan, May 2.--Hawa Muhammad, 15, lost just about everything when the men on horseback came. They took her family's horses, donkeys and small herd of goats and sheep. They took her cooking pots and her clothing. They took her mother and her father, too. ``The men on horses killed my parents,'' she said, referring to the Janjaweed, loose bands of Arab fighters. ``Then the planes came.'' Now it is she to whom her six younger sisters turn when their bellies rumble. She recounted her tale as if in a trance. Hawa left her village on the run and settled with thousands of others at the camp in Kalma, outside Nyala, part of a tide of a million people that the United Nations and others say has been displaced in this vast region of western Sudan. The government in Khartoum has closed the region to outsiders for much of the last year. Hawa's account of how the attack unfolded is the same as those heard in camp after camp across Darfur, as well as the settlements across the border in the desert of eastern Chad, where the United Nations estimates another 100,000 villagers have streamed. Many were driven away by the Janjaweed, a few thousand uniformed militia men who have worked with government soldiers and aerial bombardments to purge villages of their darker-skinned black African inhabitants. The government denies any relationship to the Janjaweed, but ousted villagers say the links are strong, and their accounts are backed by numerous aid workers and outside experts. Human rights groups and international officials charge that the Janjaweed have been used as a tool of the government to pursue a radical policy resembling ethnic cleansing. The conflict has pitted Arab nomads and herders against settled black African farmers. The tensions have been worsened by droughts in the north and the slow creep of the desert southward. For 20 years rebels in southern Sudan have sought to topple the Arab-dominated government in the north. Two million people died in that larger conflict, and a peace agreement is considered near. But since early 2003 two rebel groups in Darfur, the Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, initiated a separate rebellion, complaining that the region's people, especially the black Africans, were being marginalized. Sudan's decades-old civil war was much about religion--the north is mostly Muslim, the south animist and Christian. Darfur's conflict is over ethnicity and resources; it pits Muslim against Muslim. The rebels here scored some early victories, and the government responded with a fury, angering countries that thought it was finally taking the country toward peace after decades of civil war. The army has used helicopter gunships and old Russian-made Antonov plane, loaded with bombs. But the Arab-African rivalry has long festered here, and the most ruthless weapon has been the mounted Janjaweed fighters, who know no rules of war. The Janjaweed ride camels and horses and use automatic weapons against those they come across. They ride into villages en masse and shoot anyone in sight. As the militiamen torch and loot, the villagers grab what they can and run. An empty village is an eerie place. There are no babies crying, no goats bleating, no women pounding grain into mush. The only sound comes from the wind as it whips over the huts that used to house families but now lie toppled and torched. Today there are many such villages in the vast Darfur region. Eleven ghost villages line the main road just northwest of here. Each stands frozen, just as it was when it was overrun. Some were cleared months ago. Others were attacked as recently as last week. In each it is clear that life came to a sudden halt. Beds are overturned, and pots lie on their sides. In front of one hut is a child's sandal, but no child anywhere. Fatima Ishag Sulieman, 25, did not have time to get away. She was in bed when the Janjaweed moved in. Two men entered her hut. They hit her, then they raped her in front of her family. ``I screamed, and they ran away,'' she said in Arabic. Ms. Sulieman and others uprooted from their homes end up in camps, some of them organized settlements and others squalid outposts. She now lives under a tree at a secondary school in Kas, in southern Darfur. All around the schoolyard are other villagers, most of them women and children. Many of them, she says, experienced what she did. Others suffer in different ways. Adam Hassan, a weathered man in an equally weathered robe, described a dual attack. First it was Arab men on horseback, he said, who swooped down on his village, outside Kaliek. Then, he said, soldiers moved in. In Mr. Hassan's case it was his two sons, ages 7 and 10, who were killed. Mr. Hassan now stays with his wife and two surviving daughters at the Kas schoolyard. He wants desperately to return to his land and pick up again where he left off. Like so many of the uprooted villagers, Mr. Hassan is a farmer. He relies on the heavy rains that come in June and add some life to the dusty earth. His sorghum and ground nuts keep his family alive. But he and hundreds of thousands of other farmers in Darfur will miss this year's planning season. It is too unsafe for them to farm. That reality has aid agencies gearing up for what will be more and more hunger in the days ahead. ``I may have to stay here forever,'' he said at his campsite, looking glum. ``There are too many Janjaweed.'' The United Nations, which conducted its own tour of Darfur last week, said the crisis in western Sudan would last another 18 months--if the government managed to disarm the men on horseback soon. But it remains to be seen whether the lawlessness will be tamed. On one recent day, men on camelback still lurked on the outskirts of an empty village outside Kas. They took off when visitors arrived. Farther down a dirt track, a man on the back of a donkey approached another destroyed village, an assault weapon balanced on his lap. His name was Ismael Abbakar, and he said he knew how the village had been emptied--he took, part, in fact--although he claimed to be protecting the villagers, not driving them away. Last year, when the chaos in Drafur began spinning out of control, he was raising cattle for a living. Now, though, he is a government soldier who patrols alone with his government-issued weapon. He pulled out an identification to prove his affiliation. In Darfur the distinction between soldier and outlaw has grown murky. Ahmed Angabo Ahmed, the commissioner of the Kas region, acknowledged enlisting some armed robbers in the police and army to hunt down the rebels. He said his new recruits were on the side of the law now and were not Janjaweed. ``The Janjaweed are outlaws,'' he said.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate the birthday of a great American president, and a son and servant of Virginia, James Monroe. James Monroe was born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, on April 28, 1758, attended the College of William and Mary in Virginia, and served in the Revolutionary War, in which he was wounded at the pivotal battle of Trenton. After the Revolutionary War, Monroe was a member of the Continental Congress, the United States Senate, minister to France, governor of Virginia, was again sent to France to assist in negotiating the Louisiana Purchase, served again as governor of Virginia, as secretary of state for President James Madison, and briefly as secretary of war. This extraordinary record of service to the Nation and the Commonwealth was further enhanced when James Monroe was elected president of the United States in 1816, and was reelected in 1820. It was in President Monroe's second term that he annunciated what would become a vital foundation of our Nation's foreign policy: the Monroe Doctrine. The doctrine announced American opposition to European colonization and interference in the Western Hemisphere, and served as a touchstone of American foreign policy for generations of presidents, helping to keep the Americas free of intervention by European powers. After completing his second term as president, James Monroe retired to Oak Hill, his home in Loudoun County. I am proud to represent Loudoun County in the Congress, and proud of my district's association with President Monroe. Mr. Speaker, I call the attention of the House to the life, legacy, and accomplishments of James Monroe.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the accomplishments of two distinguished civil servants from the Commonwealth of Virginia-- Prince William County Commonwealth's Attorney Paul B. Ebert and Fairfax County Commonwealth's Attorney Robert F. Horan. Both were honored as ``champions of justice'' by the Northern Virginia Coalition of Victim Services Providers during the 12th Annual Candlelight Vigil of Courage, Hope and Remembrance on April 25. They were presented with the Northern Virginia Coalition Championship Awards. Mr. Ebert and Mr. Horan were responsible for the prosecution of Washington area snipers John Allen Muhammed and Lee Boyd Malvo. As you know, Mr. Speaker, the sniper attacks traumatized the entire Washington metropolitan area in the fall of 2002. Everyone lived in fear during this shooting spree. These random acts of violence changed forever the lives of Virginians and other area residents who lost loved ones in these senseless crimes. Mr. Ebert and Mr. Horan handled this complex and high profile prosecution with professionalism, sensitivity for the families of the victims, and a strong sense of fairness and justice. They represent the best aspects of the legal profession and are a source of pride to Virginians. It is important to remember, as they did, that behind this prosecution there were real people. The sniper attacks left in their wake sons and husbands and fathers and daughters and wives and mothers among the dead and injured, as well as families, friends and communities who continue to grieve the loss of loved ones. These victims' friends and families recognized the dedication of Mr. Ebert and Mr. Horan to making sure that justice prevailed in the trials of Muhammed and Malvo. These prosecutors never forgot that they owed an obligation to see justice done not just for the Commonwealth of Virginia, but to the families who endured the loss of those they loved. Their compassion and outstanding professional legal work are worthy of recognition, and the victims' groups who honored Mr. Ebert and Mr. Horan deserve our appreciation as well for their willingness to speak out for the rights of victims of crimes. I draw the attention of Congress and the nation to their actions as an example of how people can serve their communities with distinction and sensitivity.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to join the March of Dimes in commemorating the 50th anniversary of the polio vaccine field trials. This day in April holds great significance for the nation as it was this day in 1954 that the first dose of the Salk vaccine was distributed to children at Franklin Sherman Elementary school in McLean, Virginia, as part of the National Field Trial Program. On that April day, thousands of parents drove their school-age children to designated sites across the country for immunizations of an experimental vaccine that they hoped would stop the raging polio epidemic that was leaving young Americans paralyzed and even, in some cases, dead. Organized by the March of Dimes, this was the largest voluntary clinical field trial ever undertaken. One year later, some 1.8 million children, known as the ``Polio Pioneers'' in 44 states from Maine to California eventually took part in the three-inoculation sequence--about 4,000 children just at Franklin Sherman. Following these trials, the Salk vaccine was declared safe, potent and effective and polio was virtually eliminated from North America. By the end of 2003, poliomyelitis had been eliminated worldwide in all but six countries. The March of Dimes, formerly known as the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis, funded Dr. Jonas Salk's groundbreaking work on the Salk polio vaccine and then, through its volunteers and health networks, organized the vaccination clinics, record keeping, parents' meetings, blood samplings, stand-by transportation, and make-up clinics for absentees at each of the clinical trial sites. Mr. Speaker, I ask all of my colleagues to join me today in commemorating April 26 as the 50th anniversary of the Salk polio vaccine field trials.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, on behalf of Rep. Tom Davis and myself, it is our pleasure today to recognize the contributions to community journalism made by Tom and Betsy Grein through their ownership of The Observer newspapers in the Herndon community of Fairfax County, Virginia. After 13 years at the helm starting in June 1990--when they bought The Observer from the late Peggy Vetter, the newspaper's founder--the Greins last October sold the paper to new owners. Tom and Betsy Grein formed a team dedicated to maintaining the highest standards of journalism with a focus on providing the community of Herndon with a vital source of information. Tom served as editor and publisher and Betsy was general manager and advertising director. During their tenure, The Observer grew with the community, increasing its circulation from 14,000 to more than 60,000, tripling its full-time staff, adding editions in Loudoun County and Reston, and publishing electronically on the World Wide Web. Tom also wrote more than 700 ``Our Town'' columns, faithfully documenting his perspective of Herndon and the history and people of the community. In addition to their tireless efforts as the owners of The Observer, they also found time to be active members of the Herndon community. Tom served on the Board of Directors of Herndon Community Television and the Herndon Rotary Club and Betsy was a member of the Board of Directors of the Herndon Dulles Chamber of Commerce and the Council for the Arts of Herndon. We express appreciation to Tom and Betsy Grein on behalf of all the citizens of the greater Herndon community for their dedicated service to community journalism and wish them the best in their future endeavors.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I want to share with our colleagues a letter to Secretary of State Colin Powell that 28 members of Congress have signed asking that the United States act swiftly to ensure that Charles Taylor, former president of Liberia and now a fugitive from justice, is held accountable for his heinous crimes and brought before the Special Court for Sierra Leone. There should be no safe harbor for tyrants like Charles Taylor. House of Representatives, Washington, DC, April 1, 2004. Hon. Colin Powell, Secretary of State, Washington DC. Dear Secretary Powell: We are writing to express deep concern that Charles Taylor, former president of Liberia and now a fugitive from justice, has not been brought before the Special Court for Sierra Leone. Charles Taylor faces 17 counts of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and violations of international humanitarian law. Charles Taylor's time is up. We are asking that you make a concerted effort to see that he is brought before the Special Court. The despotic rule of Charles Taylor in Sierra Leone, while president of Liberia, represents his tyrannical influence in fueling Sierra Leone's ten-year civil war. He is accused of providing financial support, military training, and other support and encouragement to the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) to destabilize Sierra Leone in order to gain access to her diamond wealth. Charles Taylor also organized and ordered widespread and systematic attacks to terrorize the civilian population in Sierra Leone. Disturbing examples include abductions, sexual slavery of women. and children, large scale physical violence and unlawful killings, notably hacking off of limbs, facial and bodily mutilations, body carvings, gang rapes, and hacking and burning to death those whom he felt did not sufficiently support the RUF. As you know, the three-year mandate of the Special Court for Sierra Leone expires June 30, 2005. Since its inception, the Special Court has been collecting and analyzing evidence against Charles Taylor. Just last week, the Special Court courthouse officially opened its doors. Time is of the essence. Charles Taylor needs to be brought to justice before the three-year mandate expires. It is intolerable that Charles Taylor is living with impunity in the lap of luxury in Nigeria, with just about anything he needs at his disposal, including a cell phone. There is growing evidence that Charles Taylor continues to meddle in the political affairs of Liberia. He has expressed a desire to return to Liberia. We must not be blind to the fact that he has not lost his thirst for the political power he once had before his exile. We have no doubt that you find Charles Taylor's brutal cycle of violence as abhorrent as we do. We urge you to act swiftly to ensure that Charles Taylor is held accountable for his actions. There should be no safe harbor for tyrants like Charles Taylor. We must act now. Sincerely, Frank R. Wolf; Edward R. Royce; Joe Baca; Howard L. Berman; Robert A. Brady; John A. Culberson; Peter A. DeFazio; Jim DeMint; Vernon J. Ehlers; Lane Evans; Sam Farr; Trent Franks; Virgil H. Goode, Jr.; Michael M. Honda. Patrick J. Kennedy; James R. Langevin; James P. McGovern; Bobby L. Rush; John Shimkus; Christopher H. Smith; Vic Snyder; Thomas G. Tancredo; Ellen O. Tauscher; Patrick J. Tiberi; James T. Walsh; Jerry Weller; Curt Weldon; Albert R. Wynn.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, Raphael Lemkin in his book Axis Rule in Occupied Europe coined the word ``genocide.'' Greek word ``genos'' (race), Latin word ``cide'' (killing). Genocide means ``the deliberate and systematic destruction of a racial, political, or cultural group.'' It has been said the way we behave is really an indicator of what we truly believe, and belief drives behavior. It will be 59 years this April that Dietrich Bonhoeffer was marched from his prison cell at the Flossenburg concentration camp in Germany and was hung. Bonhoeffer was a Protestant minister who opposed Hitler. He refused to keep silent about the discrimination and persecution of Jews. He spoke out repeatedly and fearlessly until the Nazis executed him. ``Never again''--words that were uttered, beliefs that were expressed by many in the West after the full-scale horror of the Holocaust became known. And yet, genocide has happened again and again this century, while world leaders and governments have been slow or hesitant to respond. This is the theme of the excellent book on genocide in the 20th century--A Problem from Hell, by Harvard University instructor Samantha Power. More than ever, Ms. Power's book reminds all of us, especially those in public service, of the unique power and responsibility of our voice in confronting evil and our moral responsibility to speak out. Is genocide happening again? As the world waits and watches, the people of the Darfur region in Sudan are being wiped out. This crisis began in February 2003 when two rebel groups in Darfur state began to fight government security forces. In early February 2004, the government launched a major military offensive against the rebel forces. The result has been brutal attacks by ground and air forces against innocent civilians and undefended villages. Thousands have been killed. Millions more remain beyond the reach of aid. The United Nations resident coordinator to Sudan recently described the situation in Darfur as the world's greatest humanitarian crisis and possibly its greatest humanitarian catastrophe. Richard S. Williamson, the U.S. representative to the Commission on Human Rights, said on March 25: ``the U.S. views with grave concern the deepening crisis in the Darfur region of western Sudan. A lack of civil order and the refusal of local as well as national authorities to permit unrestricted access for humanitarian workers have put as many as one million people at imminent risk of life and livelihood.'' Below is the text of H. Con. Res. 403, a sense of Congress resolution I introduced April 1, condemning the Government of the Republic of the Sudan for its reported involvement in the attacks against innocent civilians and calls on the president to direct the United States representative to the United Nations to seek an official investigation by the UN to determine if crimes against humanity have been committed. I fear it is happening again and it is only going to get worse. I urge the House to pass this resolution and go on the record to speak out against what is happening in Darfur. House Concurrent Resolution 403 Whereas, since early 2003 a conflict between forces of the Government of the Republic of the Sudan and rebel forces in the impoverished Darfur region of western Sudan has resulted in attacks by Sudanese Government ground and air forces against innocent civilians and undefended villages in the region; Whereas, Sudanese Government forces have also engaged in the use of rape as a weapon of war, the abduction of children, the destruction of food and water sources, and the deliberate and systematic manipulation and denial of humanitarian assistance for the people of the Darfur region; Whereas, United Nations officials and nongovernmental organizations have indicated that the humanitarian situation in the Darfur region is extremely urgent, particularly in light of restrictions by the Government of Sudan on the delivery of humanitarian assistance for the people of the region; Whereas, on December 18, 2003, United Nations Undersecretary General for Humanitarian Affairs, Jan Egeland, declared that the Darfur region was probably ``the world's worst humanitarian catastrophe''; Whereas, on February 17, 2004, Amnesty International reported that the organization ``continues to receive details of horrifying attacks against civilians in villages by gov ernment warplanes, soldiers and pro-government militia''; Whereas, on February 18, 2004, United Nations Special Envoy for Humanitarian Affairs in Sudan, Tom Eric Vraalsen, declared following a trip to the Darfur region that ``aid workers are unable to reach the vast majority [of the displaced]''; Whereas, Doctors Without Borders, the Nobel Peace Prizewinning medical humanitarian relief organization and one of the few aid groups on the ground in the Darfur region, reported that the region is the scene of ``catastrophic mortality rates''; and Whereas, nearly 3,000,000 people affected by the conflict in the Darfur region have remained beyond the reach of aid agencies trying to provide essential humanitarian assistance and United Nations aid agencies estimate that they have been able to reach only 15 percent of people in need and that more than 700,000 people have been internally displaced in the past year: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate concurring: That Congress-- (1) strongly condemns the Government of the Republic of the Sudan for its attacks against innocent civilians in the impoverished Darfur region of western Sudan and demands that the Government of Sudan immediately cease these attacks; (2) calls on the international community to strongly condemn the Government of Sudan for these attacks and to demand that they cease; (3) urges the Government of Sudan to allow the delivery of humanitarian assistance for the people in the Darfur region; and (4) urges the President to direct the United States representative to the United Nations to seek an official investigation by the United Nations to determine if crimes against humanity have been committed by the Government of Sudan in the Darfur region.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I would ask Members to think about the following thing: the first person that was killed in Afghanistan fighting the war on terror was a constituent of mine, a CIA agent in Afghanistan. The FBI agents who are working in Afghanistan and Iraq are living under the same conditions. The first person that everyone in this body would call if they were to find out that a loved one had been kidnapped sometime today would be the FBI. We would call an FBI agent. The NIH cancer researchers and people doing research on juvenile diabetes and other important diseases would be affected by this resolution. Those that are guarding our borders under very difficult conditions along the northern border and the southern border would be helped and impacted by this resolution. We hear a lot of people talking about how bad drugs are and we want to do everything we can to keep drugs from coming into our country. The DEA agents, some of whom have been killed in the line of duty, who are working full time to keep drugs out of our schools, are Federal employees and would be affected and impacted by this resolution. The people in the fire service, that this summer as we are listening and hearing about forest fires taking place around the country, are all Federal employees who would be impacted by this resolution. The nurses and the doctors that are working in VA hospitals that are taking care of our veterans are all Federal employees who would be impacted by this resolution. Lastly, the Secret Service agents that are guarding the President. Secret Service Agent Timothy McCarthy, who stopped the bullet that would have killed the President of the United States, Ronald Reagan, was a Federal employee. The resolution is very, very important. I commend the gentlemen on both sides of the aisle and ask Members for an ``aye'' vote to send the message to the CIA, to the FBI, to the NIH and the border control, to DEA agents, to the Forest Service, the Park Service, to VA nurses, the Secret Service agents, and Social Security and other people who are working very, very hard that this is an important issue. I strongly urge Members to support it.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, on March 10, 2000, the United States Senate passed a resolution (S. Res. 60) to recognize this day in commemoration of the Tibetans who suffered and died during the Lhasa uprising, which began on this day in 1959. The resolution also reserves this day as an occasion to renew calls by the President, Congress, and other U.S. Government officials on the Government of the People's Republic of China to enter into serious negotiations with the Dalai Lama or his representatives until a peaceful solution, satisfactory to both sides, is achieved. It has now been 55 years since the Chinese Army invaded Tibet, forcing the then free and independent country to accept the infamous Chinese 17-point agreement in which Tibet was incorporated into China. Under the agreement, China promised to preserve all aspects of freedom in Tibet, including the role of the Dalai Lama. Today, the Chinese Government continues to commit gross violations of human rights in Tibet as well as to show total disregard for their agreement. During the time of Chinese occupation, more than 6,000 monasteries have been destroyed and the monks and nuns who resided in these places have been displaced, exiled, tortured and killed. Not only are the religious leaders persecuted, but the people of Tibet are forced to live in fear of arbitrary arrest, torture and imprisonment without trial. I would like to use this day to ask the leaders of this country to unite in calling on China to end its abuses against the people of Tibet and to submit the statement made today by his Holiness the Dalai Lama for the Record. Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the Forty-Fifth Anniversary of Tibetan National Uprising Day Today we commemorate the 45th anniversary of the Tibetan People's Uprising of 1959. I pay tribute to the many brave Tibetan men and women who have sacrificed their lives for the cause of Tibetan freedom. They will always be remembered. This year marks 50 years since my visit to mainland China in 1954 to meet with the then Chinese leaders, especially Mao Tse-tung. I remember very well that I embarked on the journey with deep concerns about the future of Tibet. I was assured by all the leaders I met that the Chinese presence in Tibet was to work for the welfare of the Tibetans and ``to help develop'' Tibet. While in China I also learned about internationalism and socialism which deeply impressed me. So I returned to Tibet with optimism and confidence that a peaceful and mutually beneficial coexistence could be worked out. Unfortunately, soon after my return China was embroiled in political unrest unleashed by radical political campaigns. These developments impacted the Chinese policy on Tibet resulting in more repression and rigidity leading finally to the Tibetan People's Uprising in March 1959. My hope is that this year may see a significant breakthrough in our relations with the Chinese Government. As in 1954, so also today, I am determined to leave no stone unturned for seeking a mutually beneficial solution that will address both Chinese concerns as well as achieve for the Tibetan people a life in freedom, peace and dignity. Despite the decades of separation the Tibetan people continue to place tremendous trust and hope in me. I feel a great sense of responsibility to act as their free spokesman. In this regard, the fact that President Hu Jintao has personal knowledge about the situation and problems in Tibet can be a positive factor in resolving the Tibetan issue. I am therefore willing to meet with today's leaders of the People's Republic of China in the effort to secure a mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan issue. My envoys have established direct contact with the Chinese government on two trips to China in September 2002 and in May/June 2003. This is a positive and welcome development, which was initiated during the Presidency of Jiang Zemin. The issue of Tibet is complex and of crucial importance to Tibetan as well as Chinese peoples. Consequently, it requires careful considerations and serious deliberations on both sides before taking any decisions. It will take time, patience and determination to lead this process to a successful conclusion. However, I consider it of highest importance to maintain the momentum and to intensify and deepen this process through regular face-to-face meetings and substantive discussions. This is the only way to dispel existing distrust and misconception and to build trust and confidence. Consequently, I have instructed my envoys to visit China at the earliest date to continue the process. I hope that they will be able to make this trip without much delay. This will help in building trust and confidence in the present process among Tibetans as well as among our friends and supporters around the world--many of whom remain strongly skeptical about the willingness of Beijing to engage in a genuine process of rapprochement and dialogue. The current situation in Tibet benefits neither the Tibetans nor the government of the People's Republic of China. The development projects that the Chinese Government has launched in Tibet--purportedly to benefit the Tibetan people--are however, having negative effects on the Tibetan people's distinct cultural, religious and linguistic identity. More Chinese settlers are coming to Tibet resulting in the economic marginalization of the Tibetan people and the sinicization of their culture. Tibetans need to see an improvement in the quality of their life, the restoration of Tibet's pristine environment and the freedom to decide an appropriate model of development. I welcome the release of Ani Phuntsok Nyidrol, even as we recognize the injustice of her sentence and continue to urge for the release of all political prisoners in Tibet. The human rights situation in Tibet has not seen any marked improvement. Human rights violations in Tibet have a distinct character of preventing Tibetans as a people from asserting their own identity and culture. The violations are a result of policies of racial and cultural discrimination and religious intolerance. Against this background we are encouraged and grateful that many individuals, governments and parliaments around the world have been urging the People's Republic of China to resolve the question of Tibet through peaceful negotiations. Led by the European Union and the United States there is growing realization in the international community that the issue of Tibet is not one of human rights violations alone but of deeper political nature which needs to be resolved through negotiations. I am also encouraged by the recent improvements in the relationship between India and China. It has always been my belief that better understanding and relations between India and China, the two most populous nations of the world is of vital importance for peace and stability in Asia in particular and in the world in general. I believe that improved relations between India and China will create a more conducive political environment for the peaceful resolution of the Tibetan issue. I also strongly believe India can and should play a constructive and influential role in resolving the Tibetan problem peacefully. My `Middle-Way-Approach' should be an acceptable policy on Tibet for India as it addresses the Tibetan issue within the framework of the People's Republic of China. A solution to the Tibetan issue through this approach would help India to resolve many of her disputes with China, too. It is 54 years since the establishment of the People's Republic of China. During Mao Zedong's period much emphasis was put on ideology, while Deng Xiaoping concentrated primarily on economic development. His successor Jiang Zemin broadened the base of the Communist Party by enabling wealthy people to become part of the Communist Party under his theory of ``The Three Represents''. In recent times Hu Jintao and his colleagues were able to achieve a smooth transition of leadership. During the past decades China has been able to make much progress. But there have also been shortcomings and failures in various fields, including in the economy. One of the main causes of the shortcomings and failures seems to be the inability to deal with and act according to the true and real situation. In order to know the real and true situation it is essential that there be free information. China is undergoing a process of deep change. In order to affect this change smoothly and without chaos and violence I believe it is essential that there be more openness and greater freedom of information and proper awareness among the general public. We should seek truth from facts--facts that are not falsified. Without this China cannot hope to achieve genuine stability. How can there be stability if things must be hidden and people are not able to speak out their true feelings? I am hopeful that China will become more open and eventually more democratic. I have for many years advocated that the change and transformation of China should take place smoothly and without major upheavals. This is in the interest of not only the Chinese people but also the world community. China's emergence as a regional and global power is also accompanied by concerns, suspicion and fears about her power. Hosting the Olympic Games and World Exposition will not help to dispel these concerns. Unless Beijing addresses the lack of basic civil and political rights and freedoms of its citizens, especially with regard to minorities, China will continue to face difficulties in reassuring the world that she is a peaceful, responsible, constructive and forward- looking power. The Tibetan issue represents both a challenge and an opportunity for a maturing China to act as an emerging global player with vision and values of openness, freedom, justice and truth. A constructive and flexible approach to the issue of Tibet will go a long way in creating a political climate of trust, confidence and openness, both domestically and internationally. A peaceful resolution of the Tibetan issue will have wide-ranging positive impacts on China's transition and transformation onto a modern, open and free society. There is now a window of opportunity for the Chinese leadership to act with courage and farsightedness in resolving the Tibetan issue once and for all. I would like to take this opportunity to express my appreciation and gratitude for this consistent support that we have been receiving throughout the world. I would also like to express once again on behalf of the Tibetans our appreciation and immense gratitude to the people and the Government of India for their unwavering and unmatched generosity and support. With my prayers for the well-being of all sentient beings.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 540, expressing the condolences and deepest sympathies of the House of Representatives for the untimely death of Macedonian President Boris Trajkovski and to pay honor to his life. I was honored to be a part of the United States delegation to President Trajkovski's funeral led by Veterans Affairs Secretary Anthony Principi. The delegation also included Congressman Eliot Engel, Barry Jackson from the White House and President Trajkovski's good friend, Kent Patton. President Trajkovski was a great friend of the United States and will be dearly missed. He was a man of great faith and led his country with dignity and respect. He united the citizens of Macedonia and will remembered by all. Below are statements read at his funeral by H.E. Mr. Branko Crvenkovski, president of the Government of the Republic of Macedonia, and Mr. Romano Prodi, president of the European Commission. Their words illustrate the great impact that Boris Trajkovski had on so many of the lives he touched. Address by H.E. Mr. Branko Crvenkovski Dear President, today, Republic of Macedonia is on its feet, united and unified in its pain, dignified in its sorrow, joined in paying the respect. We are offering our last farewell to you, our President. Our loss is immense; the tragedy, which has befallen us, is immense. Only 10 days ago, full of life, full of enthusiasm and deeply convinced of the European future of Macedonia, you sent me to Ireland. Fate has decided that I bid you farewell today to the unforgettable part of the history of our nation and state. In the last four years, circumstances and the curse of our profession called politics, bestowed us moments when we were both friends and opponents, moments when we cooperated, moments when we criticized each other. However, I will never doubt the fact that in all key moments whilst making the most difficult decisions for the future of our state, we were always together, we were on the same side, understanding each other even better than with our fellow party members. You often sailed against the wind, misunderstood, blamed, without sufficient support. You were the most deserving for the fact that we avoided a disaster in 2001. It is tragic for us that your death united us more than your commitments as President. It is tragic for us and a satisfaction for you that today we are aware that you were more respected worldwide than in your own country. Today, we know that you looked further, thought deeper and believed more. Our pain is immense; the pain of your family is immeasurable. Somebody said: ``Shared joy, is greater joy. Shared pain is lesser pain.'' Today, all of us, entire Macedonia and all our friends worldwide share the pain and sorrow of your Vilma, Sara and Stefan. Your children had a father. From now on, fatherly care becomes the responsibility of all of us. Standing your ground, you withstood all criticism. You were blamed that you were a traitor, while you made the most patriotic step. You were blamed of cowardice, but you were the most courageous one. You, more than anybody else, stopped the war and returned the peace to us. In times of insanity you gave us reason. You fought hatred with your words of love, forgiveness, mutual understanding. And you accomplished all of this in your recognizable style: sincerely, simply, from the bottom of the heart, excluding any calculations. Once you told me: ``In 10 years everybody will recognize that I was right''. Boris, it was not necessary to wait 10 years. Already today the entire Macedonia pays its tribute and recognition. Distinguished President, having learned of the tragic event, many asked themselves what would befall Macedonia after your death. Such people neither know Macedonia, nor knew you. Your greatness did not lie in leading your people in a direction different from what they considered their options. Your greatness is embodied in you being a man of the people and for the people. Macedonia knows its way. Macedonia knows where its future lies. Dear President, I am honored for having known you and for having the opportunity to work with you. There are great people next to whom all others feel small. There are greater people next to whom all others feel great, as well. You, Boris were the latter kind of man. Rest in peace, great man.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I am introducing legislation today to change the process for enforcing U.S. trade laws. This bill will shift the authority to bring cases of unfair trade practices before the World Trade Organization (WTO) from the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) to the Department of Commerce. I believe this change is critical in the face of the new world trade dynamic of the 21st century. In 2003, the U.S. registered a record $484.9 billion trade deficit, of more than 17 percent above the previous record shortfall of $418 billion in 2002. Some analysts predict that the trade deficit could soon top $600 billion. Since 1991, our trade deficit has grown nearly 620 percent--620 percent! Some say such a trade imbalance is not a bad thing. Others aren't so sure. I, for one, am deeply concerned that there has not been a sufficient amount of attention focused on the long-term impacts of the trade imbalance to our country. Just as important, I believe this change is necessary because of the entry of the People's Republic of China into the WTO in December 2001 and the growing allegations from U.S. businesses that China, now our fourth largest trading partner, is not living up to its trade agreements. That concern multiplies when you consider that the U.S. trade deficit with China in 2003 was $124 billion--almost a quarter of the entire U.S. trade deficit last year. Last year I started to hear from a number of small and medium-sized businesses about the unfair trading practices of Chinese companies. There were charges that U.S. trade agencies were unfairly favoring Chinese corporations at the expense of American companies in trade dumping cases. The Commerce-Justice-State appropriations subcommittee, which I chair and which oversees the funding for most U.S. trade- related agencies, held a hearing to look into this matter. My subcommittee heard from representatives of hard-hit furniture, pharmaceutical and agriculture industries. Their testimony was alarming. America's manufacturers contend that China is deliberately undervaluing its currency--the yuan--by as much as 40 percent, giving China a trade advantage when competing with U.S. companies and contributing to the loss of U.S. factory jobs. During a visit to China last September, U.S. Treasury Secretary John Snow called on China to adopt a more flexible exchange rate system. The Chinese government has not made any such changes. When it comes to trade with China, the list is long with promises made and promises broken. China has broken its promise: To remove agricultural and industrial quotas and tariff rate quotas; To stop requiring American companies to pay exorbitant rates to partner with Chinese companies so our companies can have access to the Chinese markets; and To stop using its tax policies on U.S. imports into China, therefore discriminating against the import of our goods. For example, our semiconductor companies and our fertilizer producers state that China's practice of rebating more than 80 percent of its value-added tax (VAT) to domestic firms puts foreign suppliers, our companies, at a huge disadvantage in the Chinese market. China also has a complete disregard for U.S. intellectual property rights. The Chinese market also continues to be dominated by piracy of copyrighted material. Some U.S. sources charge that American businesses have lost billions in revenue due to China's copyright piracy and other intellectual property rights violations. We have heard that they have even copied an entire car! Estimates are that 93 percent of the business software applications in China are pirated and 88 percent of the motion pictures and the music seen or heard in the country are stolen. Pirated copies of new software being released in America often ends up for sale on the streets of Beijing before we can buy the real thing in northern Virginia. But the United States has not brought an intellectual property rights case against China since Beijing's entry into the WTO. Not one case. How can U.S. manufacturers, especially the small and medium-sized businesses, compete with Chinese-based factories operating with the most advanced technologies, the most modern equipment, and virtually free Chinese labor? We have had many debates on the importance of intellectual property rights on this floor and later on in the week, we may have another. Innovation is the cornerstone of the American economic engine. We cannot continue to trust the Chinese when they promise to enforce their intellectual property laws. I ask one question: when has the People's Republic of China closed down a market with the most egregious cases of counterfeit goods? Not one of the markets selling counterfeit pharmaceuticals, health and safety goods, and automobile parts has been shut down. Not a single one. Yet, the USTR believes the People's Republic of China is keeping its promise to enforce intellectual property rights. I know the Office of the USTR has hard-working people whose goal is to give U.S. businesses the opportunity to flourish in the global economy. But I believe it is being stretched too thin under its current operation of having the same people who negotiate trade agreements be the same people who determine whether or not countries are living up to their obligations. Enforcement is being shortchanged and U.S. companies are not being well served. I believe our nation's business community and our trade policy would be better served by having the Department of Commerce as the trade law enforcer. The Department of Commerce has the budget and the resources to address the issues of small and medium-sized companies. The Commerce Department works daily with American companies to promote competitiveness and increase productivity. The Commerce Department is on the ground floor with these companies. They understand how Chinese imports and trade barriers are hurting American companies. By comparison, the Office of the USTR has 202 federal employees to do all this work. The USTR is in the Executive Office of the President and regardless of the administration, this office's budget requests are tightly controlled. Within the past two years alone, the budget request was woefully inadequate to just maintain ongoing operations of the office. The FY 2004 request also was insufficient to continue the operations of the USTR and at the urging of the trade community, the Appropriations committees provided additional funding for the USTR. This effort was supported by the Senate Finance and House Ways and Means committees. Astonishingly, the FY 2005 USTR budget request released in early February includes less money than was provided this year. Less money. Yet the office says it will begin seven more free trade agreements. And they hope to accomplish this extra work with less money than the year before? It is preposterous that such a level of work would require less money. And what happens to the mounting allegations of unfair trade practices under trade agreements already signed while the USTR negotiates new deals--with fewer resources than the year before when no unfair trade cases were brought before the WTO? I have not yet touched on what I believe is the overriding issue involving trade with China--China's egregious human rights record. For the record, I did not support granting China permanent normal trade relations (PNTR), a term recently changed from what I believe was a more appropriate ``most-favored-nation trade status'' designation. I know there were good and reasonable people on both sides of this issue, but for me, trade agreements must come with a price and that price is respect for the universal declaration of human rights. As we have seen with its trade obligations, China also has a long list of broken promises when it comes to improving the rights of its people. Last year, I requested that the U.S. support a resolution condemning the human rights abuses in China in the context of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights. The State Department explained to me that the department was encouraged by promises made by the Chinese. Therefore, the U.S. refused to put forth condemning resolutions. Last week, the State Department released the 2003 Human Rights Report on China. This report showed that not only did China fail to live up to its promises, but its human rights record actually grew worse. The people of China do not enjoy the freedoms that we have as American citizens. Imagine a country where factory workers have no workplace safety, labor or environmental protections and are required to work 80 hour-weeks for no more than $110 per month to produce goods for export. Many CEO's of U.S. companies supported PNTR with China hoping for new markets for their products and services. We are now seeing some of these same business leaders questioning whether or not it was the right decision for their businesses and their communities in the long term. Many of these companies today who trade with China do so with the hope that the Chinese don't copy their products before they can make a profit. That's not the way free and fair trade should work. If the U.S. has made trade agreements with China and with other countries, we need to make sure those agreements are enforced. The Office of the USTR has had many opportunities to bring unfair trading cases against China. Meanwhile, U.S. factories continue to close, American workers continue to lose jobs to foreign companies, and the U.S. trade deficit continues to soar. Free trade must be our strategy and not just a goal. If trading partners don't play by the rules, then U.S. firms are at a disadvantage and American workers and families are hurt. The U.S. must enforce trade laws, and we need to give the Commerce Department the opportunity to take on that responsibility.

Mr. WOLF

Mr. WOLF. If the gentleman from Wisconsin will yield, I concur with the reading of the intent of this funding mechanism. I would add that an important tool the Committee on Appropriations uses in its oversight of the Patent and Trademark Office as a Federal agency is control over its discretionary appropriation. We will ensure that this new funding mechanism maintains that control and does not give the Patent and Trademark Office a blank check particularly at a time when all discretionary spending is tight. The USPTO must modernize. The Committee on the Judiciary and USPTO's user groups have developed a comprehensive 5-year blueprint to streamline the operations of the office. Given the significant increase in funding that this bill would provide, I have asked the General Accounting Office and the National Academy of Public Administration to conduct comprehensive reviews to ensure the moneys are spent to reduce pendency and increase the quality of our patent and trademark system. Particularly in the high-tech sector, a company's competitiveness is directly related to the amount of time it takes to receive a patent for their new product. They are disadvantaged when the life cycle of their products expires before they are able to get a patent. I would also like to thank the chairman for including language to ensure that searches are not outsourced offshore. I think it is important for Members to know under no circumstances should this be outsourced to another country and under no circumstances should these searches be conducted by non-U.S. citizens. I commend and thank the gentleman from Wisconsin for his work on this measure, and I urge its adoption.