Diane Watson

Ms. WATSON

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow this House will have the opportunity to send the Iraqi Government a strong message: They're now responsible for their own reconstruction funding. As we debate a new war supplemental, Democrats are bringing an amendment to the floor that requires all Iraqi reconstruction costs to be provided on a dollar-for-dollar match. To date, the United States has spent an estimated $46 billion in reconstruction costs in Iraq, all while our infrastructure is crumbling. The Iraqi Government is also currently working under a budget surplus, while, thanks to the Bush administration, we continue to face record deficits. The amendment also requires the Iraqi Government to charge the U.S. military in Iraq the same discounted price for fuel that it charges everyday Iraqis. Another fair measure considering that the Iraqis are expected to take in a record $70 billion in oil revenues this year. Mr. Speaker, I would hope that Democrats and Republicans could come together tomorrow to pass this common-sense amendment so that we can invest in America, rather than Iraq.

Ms. WATSON

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Rush Holt.

Ms. WATSON

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 1109) honoring the memory of Dith Pran by remembering his life's work and continuing to acknowledge and remember the victims of genocides that have taken place around the globe, as amended.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution, and I yield myself as much time as I may consume. I would like to thank my colleague, Mr. Sires, for offering this important legislation in memory of a great American, Dith Pran. Through the film ``The Killing Fields,'' Dith Pran is for many Americans the face of the Cambodian genocide. That movie documented Dith Pran's personal struggle, his friendship and cooperation with New York Times reporter Sydney Schanberg, and the larger horror of the Khmer Rouge genocide in Cambodia. Much as ``The Killing Fields'' reminded Americans of the Cambodian genocide, Mr. Dith's life work as a photojournalist and U.N. goodwill ambassador raised awareness around the world of the atrocities that took place for those in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge. This resolution commemorates the work of Dith Pran's life, including his work as a photojournalist for the New York Times, his bravery in surviving the Cambodian genocide and escaping to Thailand in 1979; his advocacy for the Cambodian refugees and victims of genocide around the world after he became a U.S. citizen and a goodwill ambassador for the United Nations in 1994; and his work with former Senator Charles Robb to help pass the Cambodian Genocide Justice Act establishing an Office of Cambodian Genocide Investigations at the State Department. Mr. Dith's work laid the foundation for ongoing justice and reconciliation tribunals within Cambodia that continue to this day. For all these reasons, I support this resolution and urge my colleagues to join me as well. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATSON

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Ms. WATSON. I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as he might consume to the gentleman from New Jersey, Representative Rush Holt.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 317) condemning the Burmese regime's undemocratic constitution and scheduled referendum, as amended.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and yield myself such time as I may consume. I would like to thank my colleague Mr. Rush Holt for offering this important measure and for his tireless leadership in promoting human rights and democracy in Burma. For more than a decade, the military regime in Burma has ignored the democratic aspirations of the Burmese people. As we saw in its bloody repression of last September's ``Saffron Revolution,'' the regime continues to trample on human rights. And it is squandering Burma's vast natural resources through spending on the regime and its weapons, while leaving the overwhelming majority of Burma's people in poverty. Now the regime plans a May 10 referendum to institutionalize these policies through a sham constitution. The referendum attempts to give democratic legitimacy to a process that was designed by the Burmese military, implemented by the Burmese military, and benefits only the Burmese military. As such, it is anything but democratic. Today, as Burma recovers from a devastating storm that left thousands dead and missing, with many more homeless, our sympathies are with the Burmese people. But it is not natural disasters but rather the yoke of the Burmese military that has left Burma's people impoverished and calling for greater political participation for more than 20 years. It is especially appropriate that we stand with the Burmese people today as they face not only the devastation of the cyclone but also the continued devastation caused by this regime. Accordingly, I call on my colleagues to join me in condemning the Burmese junta's sham referendum and constitution. By passing H. Con. Res. 317 today, we call on the administration, the United Nations, and the international community to support a legitimate, inclusive dialogue between the regime and opposition forces. Only such an inclusive tripartite negotiation can put Burma back on the path to peace and prosperity, where it rightfully belongs. Please join me in support of H. Con. Res. 317 and offering support for restoration of real democracy in Burma. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATSON

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Schwartz).

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I also rise in strong support of this resolution and yield myself as much time as I may consume. I am pleased to support this resolution that adds the House's voice to the chorus of condemnation from the administration and our European allies to the provocative actions taken in recent weeks by the Russian Federation against the Republic of Georgia. I commend my distinguished colleague, Representative Wexler of Florida and chairman of the European Subcommittee, for promptly introducing this important resolution. For several years, the Russian Government has promulgated policies that have increasingly sought to undermine the sovereignty of the Georgian Government and its territorial integrity over Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Such harmful policies include awarding residents in these regions with Russian citizenship, Russian passports, and even the right to vote in Russian elections. In addition, the Kremlin has assigned Russian officials to hold positions in the separatist governments in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It has also provided military equipment and volunteer fighters to support militias active in these regions. Such behavior is counterproductive to efforts to find a peaceful resolution to these conflicts and contrary to Russia's commitments to international peacekeeping. Irritated by international recognition of Kosovo's independence despite its objections and incensed by Georgia's clear future in NATO, Russia escalated its dangerous actions towards Georgia in the weeks leading up to and immediately following NATO's Bucharest Summit. On March 6, Russia withdrew from the sanctions regime imposed on Abkhazia in 1996 by the Commonwealth of Independent States thereby eliminating the remaining limits on direct Russian economic relations with Abkhazia. On March 21, the Russian Duma passed a nonbinding declaration asking the government to consider the ``expediency of recognizing the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.'' On March 25, Dmitry Medvedev, Russia's incoming president, spoke out against NATO membership for Georgia. During the NATO Summit, Russian President Putin sent letters to the separatist leaders of Abkhazia and South Ossetia to express his support for their regimes. As outlined in this resolution, President Putin instructed his government on April 16 to establish official ties with these separatist regimes. He further ordered his government to recognize legal documents issued by these authorities as well as legal entities registered by them. The tension reached its climax on April 20 when an unarmed and unmanned Russian reconnaissance aircraft was shot down over Georgian territory, reportedly by a Russian MIG-29 fighter. Despite Russian claims of innocence, neither the Georgians nor the Abkhazian rebels have this plane in their fleet. Last week Russia further strained relations by moving an extra contingent of troops into Abkhazia. The Kremlin claims to be responding to a Georgia military buildup along the border, which the Tbilisi Government denies. Although Russia's troop level remains within the 3,000 soldier limit allowed under the 1994 U.N. ceasefire agreement, NATO has backed Russia's assertion that any increase must be approved by all parties. Such hostile actions are in stark contrast to the recent attempts made by Georgian President, Mikheil Saakashvili, to find a peaceful and lasting solution to this conflict in the Caucasus. As he rightly stated, ``There are no issues that we and the Abkhazians cannot solve through negotiations.'' On March 28 and April 12, President Saakashvili introduced new proposals to facilitate a resolution to the conflict. They included international guarantees of Abkhaz autonomy, broad political representation for the Abkhaz, the right to veto legislation related to the constitutional status of Abkhazia as well as its language and culture, and the establishment of a joint Free Economic Zone in the Gali region. President Putin has turned a deaf ear to these suggestions. I ask my colleagues to join me in calling on the Russian Federation to revoke immediately its decision to establish official ties with these regions and to support the territorial integrity of Georgia's borders. Rather than engaging in provocative acts, President Putin should respond favorably to President Saakashvili's call for active involvement by the Russian Federation as well as the international community to forge a peaceful and lasting solution to this conflict. Furthermore, NATO should uphold its Summit promise to Georgia of a future in the Alliance by considering the extension of a Membership Action Plan at its December meeting. This act would welcome the country into the Euro-Atlantic community and could serve as a deterrent to further Russian aggression. I strongly support this resolution and urge my colleagues to join me. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 1166) expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding provocative and dangerous statements and actions taken by the Government of the Russian Federation that undermine the territorial integrity of the Republic of Georgia.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. WATSON

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 1011) calling on the United States Government and the international community to promptly develop, fund, and implement a comprehensive regional strategy to protect civilians, facilitate humanitarian operations, contain and reduce violence, and contribute to conditions for sustainable peace and good governance in Chad, as well as in the wider region that includes the northern region of the Central African Republic and the Darfur region of Sudan, as amended.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and yield myself as much time as I may consume. I would first like to thank Representative Wolf and Chairman Payne for recognizing the importance of developing and implementing a strategy to resolve the crisis in Chad. Chad has been politically unstable for over 40 years, suffering from civil wars as well as ethnic and religious tensions. Human rights conditions remain notably poor, and the government lacks transparency and accountability. In the past 3 years, as fighting between the government and rebels increased, 180,000 Chadians have been displaced, adding to the inflow of 290,000 refugees from the Central African Republic and Sudan's Darfur region. Although the government developed a plan for reform, and signed a peace agreement with rebel groups in 2007, the conflict has not ceased. In February 2008, rebel forces, supported by the neighboring Sudanese government, sought to remove President Idriss Deby from power, killing hundreds of civilians in the process. The 16 U.N. refugee camps suffer from water and firewood shortages, as well as periodic attacks on aid workers. New controls imposed by the Chadian government on humanitarian organizations hinder the movement of assistance and personnel. In September 2007 the U.N. Security Council, followed by the Council of the European Union, approved the presence of a multinational security force to facilitate assistance and create favorable conditions for reconstruction and development. The United States has provided over $338 million in humanitarian assistance since 2004 and also provides security assistance to the Chadian Army through the International Military Education and Training funds. It is imperative that the U.S. work harder to develop and implement a sound strategy to protect and assist Chadians and other refugees and, together with the international community, condemn Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and the National Congress for their support of the armed rebellion. Further destabilization in Chad will lead to wider regional instability and hinder the United States' counterterrorism capabilities in a very sensitive region. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this measure. I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATSON

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3658) to amend the Foreign Service Act of 1980 to permit rest and recuperation travel to United States territories for members of the Foreign Service.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.