Bonnie Watson Coleman

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. I thank my colleague for yielding to me. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to bring up H.R. 1217, the bipartisan expanded background checks legislation, to honor the memory of Edward Sotomayor, Jr., a victim of gun violence in Orlando at the Pulse Nightclub who never, ever has received a moment of action on this floor.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise to offer an amendment that would exempt from the bill's moratorium any rule that an agency has included in its regulatory plan for at least a year. Some proponents have said that the moratorium on rulemaking is intended to address rules that have been rushed through the process. My amendment would address that concern by keeping in place the proposed moratorium on the rules that have truly been rushed. However, it would allow rules that have been under consideration for at least a year to move forward. During the time between election day and Inauguration Day, the executive branch cannot take a break from fulfilling its constitutional and statutory responsibilities. Just as this Congress will meet to pass legislation in November and December of this year, the executive branch must be allowed to continue doing its job of implementing crucial regulations to protect the environment and our constituents' health and safety. For example, the Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration has been working to implement crucial pipeline safety regulations since 2011, with extensive input from numerous groups. Just last month, this Congress passed the PIPES Act, which included provisions reflecting our bipartisan concern that these pipeline safety rules need to be implemented soon to protect our constituents from the dangers of pipeline leaks. Without my amendment, certain pipeline safety rules could have to be delayed until a new administration, even though these rules have been under consideration for years, leaving the public safety at risk. In order to ensure important rules like these can be finalized, I urge my colleagues to adopt my amendment. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings).

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Chairman, how much time is remaining?

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Chairman, it is unfortunate that, yet again, some in this Congress refuse to accept that a President's term is a full 4 years long. Passing this legislation would unnecessarily impose new restrictions on the ability of Presidents to finish the work of their administration. Adopting my amendment would help ensure that well-vetted, necessary regulations to protect health and safety are not blocked, while not undermining the stated purpose of this bill. Accordingly, I urge my colleagues to adopt it. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, when my colleagues and I sat down on the floor, we stood up for millions of Americans who agree it is time for commonsense legislative action to help prevent gun violence. When the Republican leadership ignored that call and then canceled the rest of the workweek, we took that message back to our districts. At a roundtable in my district, I met with families broken by random acts of gun violence, mothers who were moved by mass shootings, advocates calling for change, and just regular people who just wanted to see less violence. Their stories and their motivations were entirely different, but they all told me one thing: We are with you. I refuse to let them down, and I refuse to let up until this body considers basic bipartisan, broadly supported reforms, and not shoddily crafted NRA-endorsed bills that do even less than moments of silence.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. ``Sometimes I think, if I hadn't gone, then this never would have happened. But then I realized, it would have happened, just to somebody else. You were about the enter four years of access to drunk girls and parties, and if this is the foot you started off on, then it is right you did not continue. The night after it happened, he said he thought I liked it because I rubbed his back. A back rub. Never mentioned me voicing consent, never mentioned us even speaking, a back rub. One more time, in public news, I learned that my ass and vagina were completely exposed outside, my breasts had been groped, fingers had been jabbed inside me along with pine needles and debris, my bare skin and head had been rubbing against the ground behind a dumpster, while an erect freshman was humping my half naked, unconscious body. But I don't remember, so how do I prove I didn't like it. ``I thought there's no way this is going to trial; there were witnesses, there was dirt in my body, he ran but he was caught. He's going to settle, formally apologize, and we will both move on. Instead, I was told he hired a powerful attorney, expert witnesses, private investigators who were going to try and find details about my personal life to use against me, find loopholes in my story to invalidate me and my sister, in order to show that this sexual assault was in fact a misunderstanding. That he was going to go to any length to convince the world he had simply been confused. ``I was not only told that I was assaulted, I was told that because I couldn't remember, I technically could not prove it was unwanted. And that distorted me, damaged me, almost broke me. It is the saddest type of confusion to be told I was assaulted and nearly raped, blatantly out in the open, but we don't know if it counts as assault yet. I had to fight for an entire year to make it clear that there was something wrong with this situation. ``When I was told to be prepared in case we didn't win, I said, I can't prepare for that.''

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for his eloquent and inspiring words and encouragement. And I, too, think that this is a metamorphosing body, and I just pray sooner than later. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Tonko).

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from New York for his words and for taking the time to share what I think is a very important issue. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from the great State of California (Ms. Loretta Sanchez), my colleague.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague from California. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Speier). Congresswoman Speier is another colleague from the great State of California.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from California for her wise and compassionate concern and sharing of information. I want to remind us that there are so many vestiges of discrimination against the LGBT community, not the least of which is also denying them access to public accommodations. This isn't what this country stands for. This isn't who we are. We are better than that. So I am glad to have this opportunity to highlight some of our issues and concerns and the support that we have for the LGBT community. For everyone, anyone, and all of us celebrating this month, I wish you a happy Pride Month. Mr. Speaker, I conclude my Special Order hour, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the subject of my Special Order.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am thrilled to be here on the floor of the House this evening with my Congressional Progressive Caucus and LGBT Equality Caucus as we join millions of Americans around the country in celebrating Pride Month. Pride Month offers an opportunity to celebrate the incredible achievements of the LGBT community and the progress we have made toward a society that accepts LGBT Americans as equals. It is a chance to honor the trailblazers and leaders that have contributed so much to the lives of LGBT individuals worldwide. And it gives us the space to remind one another that we are all humans, deserving of dignity, acceptance, and equal treatment. The LGBT community, along with allies like myself, have fought to see the end of discriminatory laws and policies. We have applauded as society itself opens its arms. And we have watched as more and more LGBT ``firsts'' make their mark in public service, Hollywood, and every corner of our world. From the Stonewall riots that set the stage for the pride celebrations that we have today, to the end of ``Don't Ask, Don't Tell'' in our Armed Forces, to the landmark Supreme Court decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, to the recent confirmation of the very first gay man to serve as Secretary of the Army, we have made clear, forward progress. But even as we celebrate the countless achievements of the past few years, we must also acknowledge the continuing uphill battle for LGBT equality. This year has seen a deeply painful wave of laws passed by State legislatures and aimed at legalizing blatant discrimination against the LGBT communities. There have been recent upticks in transgender violence and, just last week, a disgraceful move by a few Members on the other side of the aisle to prevent the passage of an amendment that sought to prevent discrimination. That reminded us that we still have quite a bit of work to do. That is why my colleagues and I support legislation like the Student Non-Discrimination Act, or the Safe Schools Improvement Act, or the Equality Act. That is why I remain committed to making sure that we eliminate every form of discrimination in our society. Who you are and who you love shouldn't affect which jobs you are eligible for, who serves you in a restaurant, how much you make at work, or anything else about your life. In a Nation founded upon the principles of personal freedom and individual rights, the word ``equality'' carries great weight. It should mean equal treatment, respect, and access, regardless of race, gender, education, income, sexual orientation, with no exceptions. And as a LGBT ally, I am determined to make that vision a reality. Mr. Speaker, I thank you for the opportunity to present these few words on behalf of a community that has suffered so many discrimination attempts, so much disharmony, so many harmful experiences. Yet, this is a community of healthy, helpful, brilliant and introductory individuals. We must make sure that this society, our society, our House, this great America, stands firm for the equal opportunity of all people; that it should have nothing to do with who we love or what our gender identity is. It should be what do we have to offer to make our society a better and healthy one. Mr. Speaker, I yield to my colleague from Texas (Mr. Al Green).

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to introduce legislation today titled the ``Quadrennial Homeland Security Review Technical Correction Act of 2016.'' In 2007, the Committee on Homeland Security passed Public Law 110-53, the Implementing Recommendations of the 9/11 Commission Act. Under this Act, the Department of Homeland Security is required to produce every four years a unified, strategic framework for homeland security missions and goals, known as the Quadrennial Homeland Security Review (QHSR). The goal of the QHSR is to provide a comprehensive assessment and analysis of the threats facing the homeland. Thus far, the Department has produced two reviews, in 2010 and 2014. The Government Accountability Office assessed each review extensively and determined that stakeholder engagement and documentation were among the areas for improvement in future QHSRs. The Quadrennial Homeland Security Review Technical Correction Act of 2016 addresses GAO findings and offers critical improvements to the QHSR. Among the key provisions are more specificity on outreach to stakeholders and requirements for supporting documentation on stakeholder engagement and risk assessments. Specifically, my legislation enhances stakeholder engagement, by further specifying appropriate stakeholders to consult with during the preparation of the QHSR including the Homeland Security Advisory Council, the Homeland Security Science and Technology Advisory Committee, and the Aviation Security Advisory Committee. Additionally, my bill requires the Department to use a risk assessment when determining the homeland security missions and threats. When interacting with outside agencies to gather information on sources and strategies, the Department must do so to the extent practical for the Department to gather the information needed. Finally, the Quadrennial Homeland Security Review Technical Correction Act of 2016 requires DHS to retain all written communications through technology, online communication, in-person discussions and the interagency process and all information on how the communications and feedback informed the development of the review. The Secretary should also retain information regarding the risk assessment including data used to generate the risk results, sources of information to generate the risk assessment, and information on assumptions, weighing factors, and subjective judgments used to generate the risk assessment. I urge support of this legislation to ensure that future Quadrennial Homeland Security Reviews provide homeland security decision-makers inside DHS and across the country with the analysis they need to help protect the United States.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the subject of my Special Order.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN of New Jersey

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, for what feels like the first time this year, the House got to work on something that would genuinely help millions of Americans: addressing the opioid crisis. My home State of New Jersey is a perfect example of this epidemic in both reach and financial impact. Four of every five new heroin users started their drug abuse addictions with a prescription opioid. By one estimate, New Jersey is now home to more than 128,000 heroin addicts. In the past 10 years, heroin has claimed 5,000 lives in my State, and we fall just short of the top 10 in the percent of healthcare costs we use on those suffering with opioid addiction. Opioids, both heroin and prescription painkillers, are driving the national crisis of lethal overdose, with more than 60 percent of these deaths attributed to opiate abuse. Many have called this an epidemic, and they are absolutely right. It deserves our attention, and I applaud the bipartisan work we have done this week. But while we have taken a few vital steps, there are two very important things that I need my colleagues to understand. First, that although we have newly and rightly chosen to show those dealing with opioid addiction compassion and clemency, the only thing new about the addiction epidemic is its face. The greatest spikes have been among White, suburban Americans, for whom we are opening doors for treatment, rehabilitation, and alternatives to incarceration. Meanwhile, communities of color have watched families arrested, convicted, and imprisoned for decades over nonviolent drug offenses. African Americans are three to four times more likely to be arrested for drug crimes, and when these offenders go behind bars instead of to treatment beds, it breaks families and has lasting, devastating impacts on both families and communities. We have now begun to take an evidence-based approach to drug abuse, one that recognizes that arrest and long prison terms come at great cost and zero benefit. It is something that we should have done a long time ago. But now that we recognize the flawed policies of the past, we need to turn a critical eye to the victims of the older paradigm and offer them the doors to rehabilitation that we have created for today's offenders. There is a second vital step here, Mr. Speaker, without which all of our bipartisanship today would be meaningless. We have authorized a variety of measures that have the potential to stop the advance of the opioid crisis, but without funding and continued review, our work will be worthless. States and local municipalities need new resources to combat this crisis if we are going to make any kind of difference. That is why my Democratic colleagues put forward a proposal that will provide $600 million in new funds specifically to fight opioids and heroin. My colleagues on the other side of the aisle voted to block that proposal, which makes me concerned that they assume that the handful of authorizations we have worked on will be enough. With 78 Americans dying from opioid overdose every day, the American people cannot afford for us to wash our hands of this issue without providing the resources necessary to halt this epidemic for all of those that are affected. We need to keep pushing forward. Mr. Speaker, I yield to my colleague from Minnesota (Mr. Ellison), the honorable chairman of our Progressive Caucus.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. I thank the gentleman from Minnesota. I appreciate the remarks that he has made and the issues that he has brought before this body this evening, particularly his illuminating for us and reminding us of the disparities of the criminal justice system, of the way we dealt with drug addiction in the past. But we are in an enlightened period now, as evidenced by the work that we did just today; and I hope that we look at the issue of drug addiction and those addicted in the same humane manner, even if it is not an addiction to just heroin or an addiction to opiates, but it is an addiction to a drug that is harmful to their well-being. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Carolyn B. Maloney).

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from New York. Mr. Speaker, I now yield to the gentlewoman from the great State of Texas, the Honorable Sheila Jackson Lee.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for always sharing with us in our Special Order Hour her wisdom, experience, unique observations, recommendations, and proposals. I thank the gentlewoman very much. Mr. Speaker, let me add just one more thought to this topic. This week we demonstrated that bipartisanship is still possible on issues that matter to the American people. We need to take that same spirit and apply it to the countless other issues that have always been bipartisan. Restoring the Voting Rights Act, for one; addressing the significant dangers of a virus, in this instance, of the Zika virus is another illustration; and passing a budget that creates jobs and grows paychecks for American workers. As we now shift topics here, Mr. Speaker, there is another issue that this body has been avoiding for decades. A few months ago, I joined my colleagues on the floor of the House to urge the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment. We are here again, Mr. Speaker, and we will keep coming back until it is done. We have been avoiding ensuring protection for women in the Constitution for almost 100 years, and with enduring biases and discrimination against women, there is no better time than now. The ERA would give Congress the constitutional grounds to pass legislation that gives women victimized by gender-based violence recourse in Federal court and restoring elements of the Violence Against Women Act that have been deemed invalid by the Supreme Court. The ERA would give women a stronger legal platform from which to protest gender bias discrimination at work, giving cases like Betty Dukes' 2011 suit against Walmart the standing they would need. When you prove statistically lower pay and slower promotion, the biases are obvious and shouldn't be allowed to continue just because they haven't been specifically expressed. The ERA would keep women from being forced out of work during pregnancy, a protection that currently does not exist. Those are just a few of its benefits. For a long time, the push for the ERA has been viewed from a single perspective. But it is time for a coalition of women of every ethnicity, every religion, every nationality, and every race to stand united in the call for the ERA because it is for all of us. There are unique issues that every minority group faces, but they are all compounded when you add the gender to that plate. We can and we must work together to level the gender playing field, and the ERA is the best route to that goal. Mr. Speaker, I now yield to a fierce fighter for women and the ERA, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Carolyn B. Maloney).

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman from New York. I welcome our partnership on this endeavor. We committed to one another that we are going to continue to raise the issue of the ERA on a monthly basis so that people will be reawakened to just how significant and important this is. I was very struck by the information that she shared with us with regard to the unequal pay as it relates to women versus men. While we cited sort of the general knowledge or norm that is associated with the ERA and with unequal pay, we recognize that there is an even greater disparity when it comes to African American women and Latin women to the tune of 63 cents on the dollar and 54 cents on the dollar. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), who is also a fierce fighter for equality for all people.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. I thank the gentlewoman from Texas for joining us in this discussion as well. Mr. Speaker, it has been almost a century; so the time for the ERA is right now. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN

Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.