Todd Young

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Madam President, I rise today to recognize the upcoming retirement of a great Hoosier, Fred M. Fehsenfeld, Jr. At just 29 years old, Fred became chief executive officer of the Heritage Group, beginning the third generation of family leadership at one of the Hoosier State's most innovative companies. He soon established an in-house research and development organization that helped expand the company into new industries, including specialty chemicals and fuels. Under his leadership, the Heritage Group evolved from a regional enterprise into a global leader, helping put Indiana on the map as a hub for innovation. More important than Fred's successful endeavors in business were his rewarding investments in talent. Throughout his career, Fred was guided by a simple principle: ``Bet on young people. They will surprise themselves.'' Guided by this philosophy, Fred helped build a culture rooted in trust, entrepreneurship, and community, to the benefit of countless employees throughout Indiana. In 2016, his daughter Amy began to take over leadership of the organization, establishing a rare fourth-generation succession for a family business. This commitment to building an organization designed to endure for generations epitomizes his belief that leadership is measured more by what one leaves behind for others to strengthen than what one accomplishes himself. Fred's contributions to the State also extend far beyond his work on behalf of the family business. Alongside his wife Suzie, Fred has demonstrated a longstanding commitment to philanthropy, contributing to the improvement of communities in Indianapolis, throughout Indiana, and even around the world. This, along with his mentorship of countless future leaders and service on the boards of organizations that strengthen Indiana's economy, environment, and civic life, demonstrates his lifelong dedication to service to our State. For these reasons and more, Fred exemplifies what it means to be a Hoosier. It is my honor to recognize Fred for his distinguished career and congratulate him as he begins his retirement.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I have 11 requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, as you well know, we are debating the Protect College Sports Act--legislation about the future of college sports--but I wouldn't be doing my job as a U.S. Senator from Indiana if I didn't point out that the Hoosier State happens to be the capital of the college football world right now. In one of the greatest seasons in the history of all college sports, the Indiana Hoosiers went undefeated last year and won the national championship. IU is back with a top-five team again this year and has a chance for another deep playoff run. And joining IU in the top five is the Notre Dame Fighting Irish, who also look really good this season. Whether it be in Bloomington or South Bend, we are hoping the championship trophy stays in the great State of Indiana this year. This support for these two teams shows that Hoosiers love college sports, and we want to continue rooting for our favorite schools and athletes for generations to come, but the future of college sports is at a crossroads right now. Congressional action is necessary to ensure that the NIL landscape is built on clear and fair rules and that it provides protections for both student-athletes and universities and ensures the longevity of not only college football and men's basketball but Olympic and women's sports as well. Without a Federal framework, the legal and operational uncertainty around this space will only cause our academic institutions and student-athletes to suffer. However, as with any legislation Congress contemplates, we have to do our due diligence to ensure it will work as intended. In addition to the many Hoosiers that are or will become student- athletes, I have a diverse group of engaged stakeholders on this issue based in Indiana, including the NCAA, USA Track & Field, USA Gymnastics, USA Diving, and, of course, top-tier universities. Throughout this process, I have stayed in close contact with these schools and organizations to make sure the legislation will work for them. I have also pushed reforms to this bill as it has gone through the process to ensure the interests of all Indiana colleges and universities, including our two Big Ten schools, are well represented. I am pleased that this final bill is supported by Indiana, Purdue, Ball State, Indiana State, and numerous other colleges and universities across Indiana. Getting to the finish line on a major piece of legislation like this isn't easy, and it requires a lot of work. I am particularly grateful to Chairman Cruz and Ranking Member Cantwell for their collaborative approach and willingness to make changes to the bill to address concerns raised by the Big Ten. I know the Presiding Officer and so many other colleagues lent their voice and their labors to this effort, and I am most appreciative for all the breakthroughs for which they are responsible. I am supporting this legislation because I believe it is the right approach to protect the future of college sports. I believe it is the right approach. So I urge my colleagues to support the Protect College Sports Act and strengthen this uniquely American institution. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I rise today to recognize a living Hoosier landmark, Todd Family Farm. For 150 years, seven generations of a single family have stewarded the same soil in Carroll County, IN. The Todd family first came to Carroll County as Baptist ministers and, in 1876, established their farm on what grew to be 4,500 acres of land. Subsequent generations of the family founded the Todd Hybrid Seed Company. From their homestead in Indiana, the Todds developed and distributed seed corn across America, strengthening the Nation's food supply and playing a key role in Indiana's agricultural economy. It is very rare for family-run farms to endure for a century, let alone 150 years. This reflects the incredible and often difficult work of the Todd family across generations. Over that century and a half, the Todd family farm has survived transfers from one generation to the next, economic panics, a Great Depression, revolutions in agricultural technology, and, of course, fluctuations in commodity prices. Across those generations, members of the Todd family have also demonstrated a deep commitment to service, making sacrifices for their community, State, and country. This endurance reflects a spirit of hard work and resourcefulness, as well as a commitment to community. This tradition began when the Todds first reached Carroll County and continues to the present day. Their contributions to Indiana, our Nation, and future generations represent a legacy worthy of recognition. Congratulations to the Todd family for earning the Hoosier Homestead Program's Sesquicentennial Award.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, Russia has been condemned for years, but what it has not yet faced is a cost high enough to change its course. Senator Lindsey Graham understood that. The bill he left us, his final legislative legacy, does not stop at symbolic penalties or mere gestures. It is a strategy. It is a strategy to impose real costs on those sustaining Russia's war machine. Lindsey, who was a friend of mine, understood what it would take. Not another statement of outrage, but a serious plan, a plan to make continuing this war more costly than ending it. And it starts with an uncomfortable truth: We cannot choke off the war chest while Russia's largest customers keep replenishing it, even as those same governments insist they want the war to end. The United States, however, has leverage--enormous leverage. Access to our market carries enormous weight. Our allies know this, our adversaries know it, and the governments buying Russian energy certainly know it. But we should remember that tariff threats of this magnitude do not stop at the doors of a Foreign Ministry. They have real-world consequences. They can reach factory floors, farms, small businesses, and family budgets here at home. That doesn't mean we shouldn't act. We should act. But if Americans might absorb some of these costs, they deserve a policy that is transparent, disciplined, and tied to well-defined objectives. That is why Congress has a responsibility--a responsibility to ensure that these authorities remain focused on their intended purpose, with clear standards governing when additional pressure is warranted and when demonstrated progress should be recognized. The bipartisan support for this legislation sends a clear and a very important message: The pressure authorized here is directed at the countries financing Russia's war and must remain tied to that mission-- full stop. The goal--and the result Congress should demand--is a race to the bottom among Russia's largest energy buyers, with each country competing to cut its purchases faster than the others. But a race only works when every participant knows the rules, when every participant understands the objective, and trusts that meaningful action will be recognized. If countries buy more Russian energy, if they conceal transactions, or if they help Moscow evade sanctions--well, the President has every right to increase pressure, and he will have my encouragement. At the same time, if countries cut those purchases, stop enabling Russia, and demonstrate the change with real evidence, our policy should respond accordingly--that is how leverage produces action instead of simply imposing costs. And as this legislation moves forward through the process, I look forward to working with Chairman Crapo and the administration to keep these tariff authorities focused on the threats Congress intends to confront--the very threats Lindsey Graham worked so hard to confront. This bill presents a simple proposition: Countries may finance Russia's war or they may enjoy the benefits of access to the U.S. market, but they shouldn't expect to do both without consequences. I yield the floor.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the following Senators be permitted to speak prior to the scheduled rollcall votes: Young for up to 5 minutes; Warnock for up to 5 minutes; Cassidy for up to 10 minutes; Wyden for up to 15 minutes; Paul for up to 20 minutes; Shaheen for up to 5 minutes; Blumenthal for up to 10 minutes; and Risch for up to 5 minutes

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, Americans are aware that many of the products we buy and sell in this country are manufactured in China, but fewer may know that most of the Chinese goods come across the ocean and into our ports on Chinese ships--whether they are flying the Chinese flag, whether they are owned or operated by Chinese companies, or are even built in Chinese shipyards. But what may come as a shock is that those same ships could also carry deadly weapons. That is right. Hidden among the shipping containers carrying appliances, clothing, and household goods, might well be missile launchers and drone launching systems. Arriving undetected, they could target our cities, destroy our infrastructure, and kill our citizens. This is a possibility American leaders must prepare for now. Naval analysts confirm that China is retrofitting cargo ships with deadly weapons: long-range strike and surface-to-air missiles, drone launching systems, and radar and tracking systems. A large percentage of these vessels coming in and out of our ports are owned and operated by firms with direct ties to the Chinese Communist Party. What if one of these ships arrived in one of America's largest ports? Now, the best case scenario is our intelligence community would detect the weapons, enabling the Coast Guard to intercept and seize the Chinese ship. That is the best case scenario. But there is a far more alarming possibility: An armed Chinese cargo carrier slips in, undetected, and it launches devastating attacks on the port, destroying vital infrastructure and killing hundreds, and possibly many, many more. The Port of Houston is, for example, one of the largest by tonnage in our country. It is home to the world's largest petrochemical complex and a quarter of America's oil refining capacity. The explosions caused by a Chinese attack on the port would send clouds of carcinogens into the air and over nearby communities. Meanwhile, America's energy supply would be devastated, causing painful shortages and draining the economy of millions of dollars a day. A similar disaster could play out at any of our other major ports-- Los Angeles, for example, our hub for transpacific trade; or Hampton Roads, VA, the east coast's deepest harbor and home to the world's largest naval base. Now, neither of these situations is inevitable if we cut our reliance on Chinese vessels and we decide to make American ships again. You see, the United States was once home to the world's largest commercial fleet, numbering 4,000 ships. Today, we manufacture only a handful of commercial vessels each year. China can build over a thousand. In total, the United States has fewer than 100 ocean-going commercial vessels; while China, they have nearly 6,000, the largest fleet in the world. Letting our maritime industrial base continue to rust is a great risk. It doesn't just give China control over global supply chains and levers to constrain America's policy options; it presents the Chinese Communist Party opportunities every day to sneak weapons into our cities. We have a choice. We can do nothing and invite a potential economic and national security disaster, or we can rebuild our fleet. We can end our dependence on Chinese ships, and we can open up a new era of American ship building. I choose the latter. I choose restoring American maritime dominance. The SHIPS for America Act is the best way to accomplish this. The bill will encourage the construction of new ships and shipyards through tax incentives. It will deliver deregulation and permitting reform to reduce costs and speed the delivery of new vessels. It also will modernize training programs at our maritime academies and recruit a new generation of mariners. And the SHIPS Act will establish a maritime security trust fund to finance these programs, plus an expansion of the U.S.-flagged international fleet to 250 ships by the mid-2030s. Now, we have a strong champion in President Trump, whose Maritime Action Plan is consistent with this bill. China is retrofitting its commercial ships into covert warships. The evidence is clear. So too is the risk of allowing these vessels to dominate global trade and fill our ports because we have no ships of our own. But we have a plan to protect our ports and people, to build and launch a new fleet manned by American mariners, flying the Stars and Stripes. And Congress should pass the SHIPS Act without delay. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I rise today to honor the life of a truly one-of-a-kind Hoosier Carol Mitchell Popp Bennett, who passed away on June 27, 2026, at the age of 96. Born in Indianapolis in 1930 and raised in the wake of the Great Depression on a small family farm, Carol quickly found a creative outlet in making marionettes and puppets. Her passion, creativity, and skills created ample opportunities: By high school, she led a statewide tour of puppet shows, and she produced a children's television show on a local Bloomington affiliate during her studies at Indiana University. Before she knew it, Carol and her marionettes were featured in a national magazine, crowned Miss Indiana, and interviewed on the Ed Sullivan show during her trip to New York to win first runner-up in the Miss America Pageant. After graduating from Indiana University, Carol met H. Leslie Popp, Jr., in Fort Wayne. The couple soon married and Carol followed her husband on his deployment to serve in the Korean war. She continued her artistic endeavors during this period, working with the U.S.O. to arrange entertainment for the families of American servicemembers in Japan. Upon the couple's return to Fort Wayne, Carol started Indiana's first live children's educational television program, the ``Carol and Corkie Show,'' for which she was honored by the Indiana Historical Society as an Indiana Community Builder in 2020. Carol's contributions to the Fort Wayne community extended far beyond the ``Carol and Corkie Show.'' She was a substitute teacher in the region for 13 years and a volunteer with the Trinity English Lutheran Church's women's group for more than a decade. She served on the boards of the Fine Arts Foundation, Fort Wayne Ballet Angels, and IU Friends of Music, and was an active leader in the Junior League of Fort Wayne and Fort Wayne's Girl Scout and Cub Scout communities, all while continuing to use her creative talents as a professional interior designer for more than 20 years. In her retirement, Carol continued to pursue her passions for art and education by illustrating shows for the Fort Wayne Philharmonic's Children's Concert Series and working with her sister to illustrate children's instructional books. She married Carl Bennett in 1989, and the couple enjoyed their retirement traveling and wintering in Bermuda Dunes, CA, where Carol continued to serve others by leading an art group and participating in the Coachella Valley Art Guild of Palm Springs. Carol's legacy lives on in her extensive family, including her sister Elaine, daughter Catherine, and more than a hundred stepchildren, nieces, and nephews spanning four generations. It is my honor to recognize Carol for a lifetime well-spent using her talents and abilities in service of others in the Fort Wayne area, across the Hoosier State, and even around the globe. In these and many other ways, her memory and legacy will live on for years to come.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I rise today as the son of a small business owner. I rise as someone who has seen how hard an entrepreneur must work to get an idea off the ground, to build a business, to keep it solvent, and to work year after year through ups and downs, to make sure one can put enough food on the table for one's family and all of one's employees' families. And I rise today in support of Senator Ernst's Protecting American Taxpayers Act. You see, as chair of the Senate Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship--a committee on which I proudly serve--Senator Ernst has really been relentlessly focused on and has been a tireless advocate for combating fraud and ensuring that taxpayer dollars are spent responsibly--responsibly. So I want to thank Senator Ernst for her good work on this important legislation and for her ongoing efforts to shine a spotlight on waste, fraud, and abuse. I am especially proud that in this package is found my Assisting Small Businesses Not Fraudsters Act.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I have four requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, Americans don't appear to agree on very much these days, but there is at least one thing on which the American people can agree; it is this thing that brings the American people together. Our citizens, no matter their politics, don't trust their leaders. The list of institutions that Americans have lost faith in is long. We know this. We also know that Congress is at the bottom. In fact, over 80 percent of Americans disapprove of the job we are doing in this building. The legislative branch is the foundation of representative government. It is urgent, it is essential that we earn the trust of the American people back. You see, we are charged with putting the interests of our constituents over our own interests. We are their voice. And yet many of the people we represent believe we are failing to honor that basic commitment. It is no wonder many are losing faith, losing trust. We are their voice. A faith in government has eroded over decades. There are many causes. A lot of fingers can be pointed. There is plenty of blame to go around. And we know that the task of restoring trust is going to be a long- term project. But I am here today to argue that there is an immediate step that we need to take to restore a measure of trust in this institution, and it is imminently achievable. We can prevent its Members from using their positions of public trust to enrich themselves, to enrich their families, by banning stock trading among Members of Congress. You see, as lawmakers, we write and pass bills that significantly impact the market. We do it on a daily basis. We sit on committees of jurisdiction that oversee entire sectors of America's economy. We have access to briefings and updates on a regular basis that provide nonpublic market information. There is little to prohibit Members of Congress from using such privileged information to guide their personal selection of stocks. In fact, in the last two decades, Members have made trades conspicuously timed around market-moving events, events shaped by information they had access to or legislation that they helped advance. Of course, this creates a direct conflict of interest between public duty and personal financial interest. And it is also a troubling double standard. Most people say isn't insider trading a Federal crime for all Americans? And it is, but when it comes to Members of Congress trading on information gained through public service, enforcement is quite rare and very difficult to police. So it is no wonder many Americans are convinced that the market is rigged for a privileged set of citizens who can manipulate it for their gain. Now, to be fair, in 2012, Congress made some headway in addressing this unfairness. They passed the STOCK Act. This law, get this, mandates that lawmakers report stock trades over $1,000 within 30 days of the transaction. But the enforcement mechanism and initial fine of a mere $200 is virtually toothless. So, the underlying problem remains, and it should not. Today, roughly 200 Members of Congress own shares in publicly traded companies. Many of them, most of them, are good people. They are ethical people. They came here for all the right reasons, and many have not lost their way. And among those 200 Members, many sit on committees that craft policy for and conduct oversight on the very industries in which they invest. In an era of deep partisanship, most Americans--no matter their political beliefs, their party, their underlying ideology, the geography in which they live, their gender, their age--they see this as a problem. How much of a problem? Well, according to a survey conducted by the University of Maryland's School of Public Policy, 86 percent of our population supports a prohibition on congressional stock trading. There aren't many issues like this. In a divided America, this could unify America. Our Congress could be unified by exercising the will of the American people and banning Members of Congress from trading stocks. What do Republicans say? Mr. President, 87 percent of Republicans think this is a problem, think we should ban Members of Congress from trading stocks. You go across the country, almost 9 out of 10 Republicans you talk to will say we should do it. And why have we not? What about Democrats? Mr. President, 87--88 percent, rather, of Democrats, almost 9 out of 10. Independents--81 percent. So, listen, there are two bills that we already have. I don't need to draft a new bill. Let's recognize our colleagues' handiwork and get something important done. Two bills that would accomplish this in the U.S. Senate: The first bill, the Stop Insider Trading Act, would just prevent Members of Congress, their spouses, and their dependent children from trading individual stocks, and it would strengthen disclosure and enforcement requirements. And unlike current law, the bill would impose meaningful financial penalties for violations. Under this bill, lawmakers who fail to comply with the law's mandates would be fined the greater of $2,000--probably still not enough but enough maybe to get it passed through the Senate; we can increase it later--be fined the greater of $2,000 or 10 percent of the investment value, plus the forfeiture of any net gain realized from the sale. The second bill, the Restore Trust in Congress Act, would prohibit Members of Congress from trading individual stock. It would establish guidelines for Members to divest existing holdings within a defined period. It would also empower congressional ethics offices to enforce compliance through meaningful penalties. Now, look, there is no easy or quick way to restore complete trust in Congress, faith in this essential institution of democratic government. But prohibiting Members of Congress from leveraging their positions of public trust for personal enrichment would go a long way. I think most Americans would acknowledge that it would be a meaningful step toward that goal. Passing these bills will ensure stock trading comes to an end in Congress and help restore trust in us, those who serve. I would even call it--as a personal matter, it would be a gesture of self-respect for politicians to embrace this reform. It is what the people we represent want. So I just ask my colleagues: Let us be beyond reproach. Let us avoid all appearances of impropriety. Let us not disappoint the American people again. It is time to ban Members of Congress from trading stock. I yield the floor.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I cannot be the only Member of this body to notice that several words and phrases are used a lot less on the Senate floor these days. Among those words and phrases are ``open borders,'' ``illegal crossings,'' ``catch-and-release,'' and ``migration surges.'' You see, these terms have been dropped from our debates and are no longer in the news because President Trump and Republicans in Congress helped largely close the border--close the border to illegal immigrants. With support from this President and this Republican Congress, our law enforcement personnel ceased catch-and-release and stopped the record migration surges. This--this--is what the American people elected us to do: to end the chaos at the southern border and block the flow of illegal immigrants into our communities. And we did these things so effectively, it has almost gone unnoticed. Of course, there were some Members who denied there was a crisis in the first place. There were all sorts of commentators who decided to look the other way. The numbers from one administration to the next tell a different story, though. Let's revisit those numbers. From 2021 to 2024, over 10 million illegal immigrants crossed the southern border, and this was by design. You see, President Joe Biden paused deportations. He laxed requirements for asylum seekers. He ended construction of a border wall. If you go down there today, you see remnants of it. He suspended ``Remain in Mexico.'' The previous administration created an influx of illegal immigrants and, in the process, endangered public safety and taxed resources in communities along and far from the border. These policies also undermined Americans' faith in legal immigration. They undermined faith in legal immigration. Yes, my constituents understand we are a nation of immigrants, but our faith was shaken because the previous administration prioritized lawbreakers over those who wished to come to America legally and embrace our values. As soon as he was inaugurated, President Trump increased the number of troops along the southern border. He began deporting illegal immigrants, and he reinstated ``Remain in Mexico.'' And Republicans in Congress, we did our part too. In the Big Beautiful Bill passed by this Congress and signed into law by President Trump a year ago, we increased resources to secure the border and to combat drug smuggling and human trafficking across the Nation. The bill contained funding for additional Border Patrol agents. As a result, the screening and vetting of illegal immigrants increased markedly. And we increased funding for the Department of Justice, and that enabled the hiring of additional immigration judges to clear out the backlog of asylum cases. Now, today, the results speak for themselves. These numbers are compelling. They are breathtaking. In November 2024, there were 106,333 reported border encounters. In January 2025, the number dropped to 61,465. Think about that. From November 2024 to January 2025, the number dropped from over 106,000 to 61,000. It was down to 8,000--8,326 to be exact--by the next month. And a year later, in April 2026, apprehensions on the southern border were 94 percent lower than the monthly average during the Biden administration presidency. Imagine that: 94 percent lower. What about the seizure of drugs? The seizure of drugs--cocaine, methamphetamine, heroin, fentanyl, and marijuana--has increased, by weight, 60 percent--60 percent--since just April of 2024. And we just marked an entire year of zero releases at the southern border. Now, a nation that does not control its borders--that cannot enforce its laws--is a nation that willingly surrenders its sovereignty or, as Ronald Reagan once put it: A nation that cannot control its borders is not truly a nation. Abandoning our right to determine who participates in that process-- indiscriminately allowing all comers to enter our country--it endangers our citizens, it burdens our taxpayers, and it makes a mockery of the rule of law. It is also dangerous to the immigrants themselves, many of whom perish on their way to our southern border. Americans realized this, even if some of their leaders did not. And this is why President Trump and congressional Republicans acted with a bias for action so that we might end the border crisis. And how can you tell? The relative silence in the mainstream media and on this floor from many of our Democratic colleagues tells you all you need to know. I yield the floor.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, in May of 1944, before the Allied forces landed on the beaches of Normandy, Dwight Eisenhower signaled out one American service branch for their loyalty, courage, and fortitude. When Operation Overlord was complete and victory won, he predicted: [T]here is no organization-- No organization --that will share its credit more deservedly than the Merchant Marine. The Supreme Allied Commander was correct, but the credit he spoke of was never given to this service branch in proportion to the sacrifices made. After all, no branch suffered losses at a greater rate during the war--not the Marines, not the Army, or Coast Guard, not the Navy. Of the 243,000 merchant mariners who joined the fight, nearly 9,500 paid the ultimate price. As we prepare to observe Memorial Day this coming weekend, we remember the fallen sailors of the forgotten service, and we honor a young Hoosier who gave his life aboard one of its ships. Without the sacrifices of the Merchant Marine, America's military would be unable to win its war or to defend its people. In war, our civilian mariners and commercial vessels transport and supply our soldiers, sailors, and airmen. They are the critical link between the homeland in the front, the one that has made the difference between victory and defeat for 250 years. During the Revolution, they delivered the gun powder the Continentals used to beat the British. In the War Of 1812, they armed their clippers and sloops with cannons. They ran the enemy's blockades, and they brought clothes and guns to our troops. Throughout the Civil War, they carried coal, horses, and food to the Union soldiers along the Atlantic Coast and on the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers. Wherever our men and women in uniform have gone in the world to defend liberty, the Merchant Marine has followed in support. Whenever America's soldiers have raised our flag in victory, its mariners helped to make the triumph possible. And they have always done this in the face of grave danger and at great cost. Commercial sailors were among the casualties in America's first naval battle at Machias off the coast of Maine. They were killed by the enemies' fire on the oceans and the Great Lakes. From the Republic's beginning, merchant mariners have died in every major conflict, including Vietnam and Korea, as well as Operations Enduring and Iraqi Freedom. These civilians transport their cargo into war zones with minimal defense. Because of their vital mission, they are the target of and often sunk by warships and aircraft. In no conflict was the peril greater than World War II. They left from America's coasts. They headed for the front carrying the Sherman tanks and Mustang fighter planes, steel and lumber, bandages and antibiotics, mail from home, rations, and even chocolate. On board those ships were what was required to defeat the Axis and to make a soldier's life just a little bit less miserable while doing it. That is, if they made it to their destination; 733 of America's merchant ships were sunk during the war. The Samuel Q. Brown was one of them. The tanker was on its way from New Orleans to Honolulu carrying 80,000 barrels of fuel when it was struck by a torpedo from a German submarine 100 miles south of Cuba. The ship erupted into fire. Its crew jumped overboard and swam to the lifeboats and the rafts that they had cut loose after the explosion. Two men were lost. The rest watched as the U-boat launched another torpedo and sank the Samuel Q. Brown. After 13 hours afloat, a Navy patrol plane spotted the survivors who were eventually rescued. The five injured among them were transported to a hospital in Key West, FL. All survived but one, a messman named Harold Dossett. He died on June 1, 1942. Harold was 27 years old. He was from Princeton, IN. He came from a line of heroes. Members of the Dossett family fought in the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, and the Civil War. No surprise then that he was active in the history club at Princeton High School before his graduation in 1932. He was well-known and well-liked in Princeton, a fixture of the downtown square, where the local newspaper noted he was often seen at the front table in the local restaurant the Alco. At the end of the 1930s, Harold relocated to Texas where he found work in the oil industry and ended up as a messman on the Samuel Q. Brown, which was owned by the Tide Water Associated Oil Company. He had served aboard two other ships before the Samuel Brown; both were sunk after his transfer. ``The third one was fatal,'' his mother later said. It was during that ship's mission that he joined the list of Americans who have laid down their lives so that their countrymen could live in freedom. After his body was brought back to Indiana from Florida, Harold's mother was presented with the Mariner's Medal. This is the Merchant Marine's highest honor, and its equivalent to the Purple Heart. Another honor arrived later to address the incredible losses of commercial vessels during the war, American industry mass produced Liberty ships to speed supplies to the front. In 1945, one of these Liberty ships, the SS Harold Dossett was completed. Ultimately, it was the men aboard those Liberty ships who helped win the war. As Dwight Eisenhower said, the merchant mariners ``brought us the tools to finish the job. Their contribution to final victory will be long remembered,'' he said--a contribution that cost many lives. So let us not lose sight that Memorial Day is not just the beginning of summer. It is a solemn day, when we honor and do what little we can to give thanks to the men and women who have died so we can remain free. It is also a time to keep the families of the fallen in our hearts and those serving in danger now in our prayers. And let us not forget to pay tribute to all--all--of the lost. And one place we can do that is outside of the Gibson County Courthouse in Princeton, IN. You see, a monument there is inscribed with the names of local men who never came home from the World Wars. Hoosiers, go there. And among the marines, soldiers, and sailors, you will find a merchant mariner, Messman Harold Dossett. Never forget the debt we owe them all. I yield the floor.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I rise today to honor a remarkable Hoosier, Mr. Thomas J. Foltz of Indianapolis, IN, who celebrates his 80th birthday today. Tom's life is a testament to the very best of what our State has produced: a deep faith, an inquisitive mind, an entrepreneurial spirit, and an unwavering commitment to family, community, and country. He has spent nearly every chapter of his life in Indiana, and our State is better for it. At his side for 46 years has been his beloved wife Becky, whom he married in December of 1979 and who has been his steadfast partner in every endeavor since. Born in Indianapolis, Tom is a proud graduate of Rose-Hulman Institute of Technology in Terre Haute, where he earned both his bachelor's and master's degrees in mathematics. Before the ink was dry on his diploma, he had taken his talents to Cape Canaveral, supporting pre-launch electrical systems for the Saturn V program at NASA's Kennedy Space Center, work that helped carry American astronauts to the Moon. He returned home to Indiana and spent the next several decades at the forefront of the computing revolution: developing algorithms at General Motors, engineering systems at Blue Cross Blue Shield of Indiana and Indiana Bell Telephone, and presenting at international IBM conferences on mainframe performance. In 1979, he founded Total Systems, Inc., an Indianapolis-based technology firm he has now led for more than 45 years, serving clients across the Midwest in manufacturing, distribution, government, and the nonprofit sector. But Tom did not stop there. For more than 15 years, he has poured his expertise back into the next generation of Hoosiers as an adjunct professor of mathematics, statistics, and computer science at multiple Indiana institutions: Butler University, Grace College, Indiana University, Ivy Tech Community College, Marian University, Purdue University, the University of Indianapolis, and Franklin University. In 2013, he received Franklin University's Teaching Excellence Award. His students describe his classroom as warm, rigorous, and unforgettable. He has taken mathematics, a subject many find daunting, and made it accessible, even joyful, for thousands of students preparing for careers across our State. Alongside his teaching, Tom has given decades of his time to civic life as a Marion County Republican precinct committeeman and ward chairman, as an elected delegate to numerous Indiana Republican conventions, and as a lay speaker in his community on matters of faith. I have had the privilege of meeting Tom on several occasions at political gatherings across the Hoosier State, and each encounter has confirmed for me what so many Hoosiers already know: He is a man of conviction, intellect, and good humor. Together, Tom and Becky have built a beautiful family. Their children Jonathan and Jennifer and their grandchildren Ella, Asher, and Aiden are a living legacy of the values Tom has spent 80 years cultivating: integrity, hard work, service, and faith. On behalf of a grateful State, I ask my colleagues to join me in wishing Thomas J. Foltz a very happy 80th birthday and in thanking him for a lifetime of contributions to the people of Indiana and to our great Nation.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, most Hoosiers wake up every morning and they see their children off to school or head to work without event, without an incident. They live in safety because a select few of their fellow citizens willingly forfeit their own safety. May 10 to 16 is National Police Week, and it is a useful reminder for all of us of what we owe our law enforcement, particularly our Indiana law enforcement officers, and what more we can do for them. You see, our police officers are the thin blue line between order and chaos. The men and women who wear the badge are our guardians of peace who willingly stand in the way of all sorts of threats to their communities and to our interests. Whether our ears are being destroyed by public disorder, our cars break down, our homes are invaded, when trouble comes, our law enforcement officers are not far behind. Too often, we appreciate them only when we need them, and that is why we have set aside this week to remember them, to honor them. Just as commonly, we overlook the grave danger they willingly face on our behalf. The hero's badge is a criminal's target. The National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial here in Washington, which carries the names of 24,000 police officers killed in the line of duty, reminds us of this sobering reality. Every year, additional names are added to these rolls. Around 100 police officers die on the job annually, the majority as a result of violent and other serious crimes. In 2024, 85,730--think of that number--85,730 police officers were assaulted in the line of duty. This is dangerous work. Many of these incidents were ambush attacks, when criminals target police officers unexpectedly. According to the National Fraternal Order of Police, such incidents accounted for nearly 30 percent of officer shootings last year. These terrible sacrifices are why since 1962 Americans have honored our law enforcement personnel during the second week of May. National Police Week is an occasion to renew our unwavering support for law enforcement officers. It is an opportunity to recognize and give thanks for their unseen acts of heroism, to honor and remember those who have laid down their lives to protect others, and express our solemn appreciation to the loved ones of officers who made the ultimate sacrifice. Let's remember the families. Let's remember the families of these brave men and women and their sacrifices. And remembrance is important; so is gratitude. But these alone are not enough. Our police officers defend us, and we, in turn, can deter and punish those who would do them harm. That is why in the Senate, I am supporting the Protect and Serve Act. This legislation was introduced by my colleague Senator Tillis, and this bill would create a new category of crime for those who attack Federal, State, or local law enforcement officers. It would give Federal prosecutors more tools--more tools--to go after those who deliberately target law enforcement officers by making it a Federal crime to knowingly cause or attempt to cause bodily injury to a law enforcement officer. And under the bill, offenders would be subject to imprisonment for up to 10 years, a stiff penalty for a serious crime. An offender under this bill could receive a life sentence if a death results from the offense or the offense includes kidnapping, attempted kidnapping, or attempted murder. Yes, this legislation is tough, but we need to be tough. This legislation aligns with common sense. We need to better protect those who protect us, and Congress should move this bill this year. So whether they serve at the local, State, or Federal level, our law enforcement officers are the best and the bravest in our community. Laws mean little without men and women sworn to uphold them. So during National Police Week, let's reflect on how much we owe them and show our support for the men and women wearing the badge across Indiana and across America. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to my longtime chief of staff John Connell during his last week of session in the U.S. Senate--or, as John fondly refers to it, the ``House of Lords.'' Since I was first sworn into the House of Representatives in 2011, John has served as my chief of staff. But he is much more than that--a trusted adviser, a talented strategist, an effective leader of our team, and a confidant. John is also a friend. John graduated from Indiana University already a fierce partisan, I have to say; but, in his case, it was as a proud member of Hoosier Nation--more on that later. He then moved to Washington to start his career on Capitol Hill. Despite his family roots in Naperville, IL, and his college years in Bloomington, IN, John quickly learned the ropes of serving in the legislative branch while working for three Kentucky delegation Members of the U.S. House--Representatives Geoff Davis, Ron Lewis, and Brett Guthrie--two of whom were West Point grads, I should add. He also spent time on the campaign trail for multiple Members in Kentucky and Kansas, before we were first introduced in late 2010. Along the way, John developed an amazing golf swing, he made tons of friends, and he started dating a lovely fellow congressional staffer by the name of Marjorie Dornette, who later became his wife. I first met John through an introduction by Congressman Davis. I needed a chief of staff, and Geoff said that he trusted John. And, candidly, I didn't have the foggiest idea what attributes to look for. So I decided to resist everything I had learned in a decade of naval service by trusting the Army guy. And, boy, I don't regret it. From almost that very moment, I came to regard that as one of the best decisions of my life, professional and otherwise. Suffice it to say, John has supported my time in Congress in every meaningful way. He has earned a stellar reputation of his own around this town and back home in the State of Indiana, and he has accrued a remarkable record of achievement, something I would like to unpack here today. For starters, John has identified and hired amazing talent for our team. He has a knack for recruiting, thanks to his extensive network, his instincts, and an amazing eye for talent. He has fostered a Team Young alumni network of current and rising leaders and regularly offers his help and counsel to countless individuals wishing to serve, advance their careers, and realize their dreams. John is known for viewing our intern program as the ``farm team,'' and an incredible number of our interns have gone on to serve and to move up in my congressional office and well beyond, thanks to John's efforts. In addition to being a team player on our team, however, he has served the broader team in many important ways. In fact, other congressional offices and several Presidential administrations have regularly turned to John for advice on navigating Congress and overcoming obstacles. John has treated his role of overseeing my DC office and instate operations with great enthusiasm, accessibility, friendliness, professionalism, dependability, and responsiveness--all of which resulted in our team's ability to have maximum impact. Whether through legislative wins or building one of the Nation's best constituent service operations, John's fingerprints are on all of it. Another important role John quickly became adept at was helping me identify talented professionals to be nominated for Federal service and shepherd them into important roles around the world, including an Under Secretary of State, an ambassador to the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization, and the Chief Management Officer for the DOD. This also applied to our Federal judiciary. From district court to the U.S. Supreme Court, John was always on the hunt for rising legal stars who might be willing to serve. In fact, without John, I know I would not have had nearly as much success in translating my policy priorities into action. He owns a big piece of our legislative victories, having been instrumental at every stage of the policymaking process--from conception, to passage, to implementation--ensuring the State of Indiana maximally benefits from each law we pass: bringing social impact bonds to the Federal level; shoring up our semiconductor supply chain and incentivizing tech innovation through the CHIPS and Science Act; creating Indiana's first national park, the Indiana Dunes National Park. Even into his last days in my office, he has been working on ensuring the Senate appropriately recognizes the IU Hoosiers for winning the 2025 College Football Playoff National Championship after completing an undefeated season. To this day, he describes his presence in Assembly Hall in Bloomington on December 10, 2011, as his beloved Hoosiers beat Kentucky in basketball, as the greatest day of his life--except for his wedding, he is always careful to add. That incredible victory occurred during John's first year on Team Young. It seems only fitting that as he departs, we are celebrating an even more improbable IU athletics triumph--a national championship in football. John plays by the rules. He is honest, sincere, dependable, upbeat, and optimistic, but he is always measured, and he is always realistic. He is relational--relational--the opposite of transactional, which can be a rare quality in Washington. Another rare quality: his singular lack of ego in a town known for some big ones. He is skilled at creating a work culture that is serious about public service and satisfying work but is also done by great people in a fun office along the way. If you know John, you know he loves Indiana, and he loves the Senate, but not more than his wife Marjorie and his three boys: Jack, George, and Matthew. He has been a great chief of staff, but he is an even better husband and father. He has found a way to give this job his all, to accomplish more than I could ever expect in a way that I could never improve upon, and he did it without sacrificing any of the relationships he valued most. For me, that is his most important legacy. I will personally miss seeing John at work every day. I am going to miss his daily presence in the office, but I am not anxious about this transition--not for John, not for me, not for Hoosiers. Like a consummate professional, John has institutionalized excellence in our office, making every preparation for us to keep racking up victories for the State of Indiana and continue adding value to the U.S. Senate. I now look forward to watching John apply his many considerable talents and experiences outside of Congress. I know he will continue to impress, continue to hold himself and others to the highest standards, and continue to win in whatever arena he competes. So, John, thank you for your service to this office, to Hoosiers, to our country. On behalf of your many friends, colleagues, and admirers on Capitol Hill, I wish you fair winds and following seas. I yield the floor.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, since the beginning of this year, there has been a lot of conversation both here in Washington and around the country about the future of American involvement in Venezuela and how that relates to the War Powers Act. So, as we head into the recess and as my colleagues head back to their respective States and to other locales, I just wanted to take a minute and update my constituents on how this U.S. Senator is approaching the situation. First, I want to reiterate that I support President Trump's decision to bring Nicolas Maduro to justice for his many crimes. I know I speak for countless Hoosiers in expressing my gratitude that after years of oppression, the Venezuelan people now have new hope. In fact, I have taken meetings in recent days with diplomats, national security luminaries, business people, expats, and others. Those meetings have reinforced the reality for me that right now we have an opportunity for brighter days ahead in Venezuela, and I know the administration is working with multiple stakeholders to effect that sort of positive change that we are all hoping for. I, of course, also want to commend the bravery and the professionalism of the U.S. service personnel who carried out this successful law enforcement mission in Venezuela earlier this month-- highly impressive, highly sophisticated. I am awestruck by the mission and all that it accomplished, and I thank the men who were a part of that. Now, while I applaud and stand with the President and his team on the law enforcement action taken in Venezuela to remove Nicolas Maduro, that law enforcement mission is now complete. I just want to clarify that for many of my constituents. I have also expressed concerns about the possibility of American military involvement in Venezuela as we move forward. The President and members of his national security team have openly stated that the United States now runs Venezuela, and because we can't predict the future, no one can guarantee with certainty that an American military presence won't be required to stabilize the country. So I, along with whom I believe to be the majority of Hoosiers, am not prepared to commit American troops to that mission. I strongly believe that any such commitment of U.S. forces in Venezuela must be subject to debate and authorization from Congress. That is what has animated so much of my activity in recent days and weeks. That belief is not a new one to this situation or to this President. In fact, for over a decade and under multiple Presidents, I have pushed for Congress to fulfill its role as defined in the Constitution on matters involving the use of military force. Since U.S. involvement in Venezuela began last year, I have pushed for briefings and other forms of congressional engagement. Just last week, because of those concerns, I ultimately voted to advance a War Powers Resolution to make my concerns crystal clear to the administration and to my colleagues. The reality, though, is this: Even if the Senate had adopted that resolution, had it not been derailed through a procedural vote, it likely would have died in the House of Representatives--very likely--or at a minimum have been vetoed by the President of the United States. That much was clear. Given that stark, incontrovertible, unavoidable reality, I have had numerous conversations with senior national security officials over the past week and since the first vote took place, and in those conversations--some in person, some by phone--I received assurances that there were, No. 1, no longer any American troops in Venezuela. I also received a commitment that if President Trump were to determine American forces were needed in any major military operation in Venezuela, the administration would come to Congress in advance--in advance--to ask for a formal authorization on the use of military force. Lastly, Secretary Rubio has agreed to my request to appear before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to provide a public update on Venezuela immediately after the recess, facilitating the very type of public debate and, if necessary someday, authorization around these matters, hopefully working the muscle memory of this institution and its various committees on issues of war powers so that they might be more inclined to operate those prerogatives--to exercise those prerogatives in the future. For those like me who want Congress to perform its longstanding role on these issues, the commitments I have secured are major commitments that will help keep Congress better informed, help ensure we make better decisions, and ensure in this situation that any future commitment of U.S. forces in Venezuela is subject to public debate and authorization here in this body. Let me just end by saying that President Trump campaigned against forever wars. Millions of people strongly supported him in that position. I strongly support him in that position still today, and I believe that a drawn-out campaign in Venezuela involving the American military, even if unintended, would be the opposite of President Trump's goal of ending foreign entanglements. But I also make that statement with humility, understanding that world events are fluid, that the world is complicated, and that circumstances can change. What all of us in this body should want is the opportunity to perform oversight and provide input on these critical foreign policy issues on behalf of those we represent. If we must make a decision--a very difficult decision--at some point in the future, our constituents should be able to hold us accountable for those decisions. Regardless of who serves as President or which party controls the White House, Congress must get back to carefully fulfilling its constitutional responsibilities. I am pleased that we have a path forward toward that goal now, and I look forward to the next steps in the weeks ahead. I yield the floor.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I rise today to honor the 100th anniversary of the Children's Museum of Indianapolis. Towards the end of the 1920s, a Canadian newspaper took note of a collection in America's Midwest. One of its reporters marveled, ``In Indianapolis, Indiana, there is a unique institution called the Children's Museum. . . . '' Today, a century later, that institution is no less unique. It is now the largest museum for children in the entire world and the fourth oldest. But to describe it as solely a museum for children is a misnomer. In the era of the museum's founding, opportunities for young people to learn and grow beyond the classroom were sometimes rare, and the museum provided them. This is what Mary Stewart Carey--the businesswoman who founded the institution--and the numerous Indianapolis civic and leaders who helped it grow, intended. In the museum, children were not just guests, but directors and curators. They formed clubs to boost enrollment in the museum; first prize for most students enlisted was a goldfish aquarium. They sat on a junior board of directors. They examined and wrote reports on the exhibits and went on field trips across the country to find objects to help fill them. The Children's Museum of Indianapolis was a museum by children, a place where they were encouraged to think and dream, to both study and reach for the stars. It still is. This year, the museum celebrates its centenary. It is not simply a commemoration of a building and its exhibits--though those, from the Dinosphere to the Fireworks of Glass, to the Treasures of the Earth to The Liberty Bell 7, are remarkable. Nor is it exclusively an opportunity to commend the museum and its leaders for their contributions to Indiana's economic and cultural life, which are considerable. It is also, importantly, a chance to reflect on all the memories created within and beyond its walls, the interest in natural history, archaeology, and science cultivated inside and the many young lives touched by this museum. A century on, in Indianapolis, that unique institution once remarked upon by a visitor still stands and still astonishes. Long may it do both.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, on the campus of Indiana University, a tablet placed on the floor of the student union pays tribute to the men and women who served in the Civil War. Over 80 years ago, in March 1942, three young Hoosiers stood over that marker. They raised their right hands, and they joined those ranks. When the oath began, they were college students in the last days of childhood. When it was complete, they were U.S. marines, the first to fight for their country. They joined a long line of American heroes, dating all the way back to the Revolutionary War. On November 10, 1775, when America contemplated a difficult amphibious assault on the British supply hub in Nova Scotia, the Continental Congress called for the raising of a regiment to execute this difficult expedition. It required a special breed of warrior, capable of fighting on land and sea. Just the type of men ``acquainted with maritime affairs,'' as the Continental Congress phrased it, were to be found at Tun Tavern, a brewhouse on Philadelphia's waterfront. On the same day the colonial government passed its resolution, they commissioned Samuel Nicholas to raise this force. Not long after, he walked through the tavern's door and appointed its owner, Robert Mullan, chief recruiter. Together, with the lure of high adventure, mugs full of cold beer, and the call to defend their homes, they enlisted two battalions of men. These men were the first members of the U.S. Marine Corps. So beginning on that day in Philadelphia, to countless days like the one on the campus of Indiana University, millions of men and women have answered their Nation's call. For 250 years, from the shores of Nassau to the walls of Abbey Gate, they have defended our flag, our way of life, and freedom's friends far from its shores. They have been asked and have often done the impossible. Because of their daring, their relentlessness, and their ingenuity, the U.S. Marine Corps will always be synonymous with danger--danger to any foe that would threaten the American people. A history of vanquished foes can testify to this: Barbary pirates, whose strongholds Leathernecks marched across the African desert to conquer; British Redcoats mowed down during the Battle of New Orleans when marines formed the center of the city's defense under General Jackson; Mexican cadets, who watches as marines stormed the Halls of Montezuma and raised the stars and stripes over Chapultepec Castle; German soldiers driven from Belleau Wood by the greatly outnumbered 4th Marine Brigade; Japanese troops who bombarded marines as they landed on the black sands of Iwo Jima and then listened from their bunkers as the Americans cheered while six members of the 5th Marine Division planted their flag at the summit of Mount Suribachi; the al-Qaida insurgents killed and captured in Fallujah when the marines fought from street to street, house to house. These and countless other battles were won at terrible cost--tens of thousands of marines killed or wounded in action, widows and widowers, sons and daughters left behind. The history of the Marine Corps is one of incredible heroism and great sacrifice, but to reduce the Marine Corps to only those virtues is, I believe, to understate its importance in American history. Marines are not simply warriors but, as Ronald Reagan once said, the ideal of ``soldierly virtue.'' On the wall of my office hangs my Mameluke, the curved saber a marine carries at his side. Its history began on the shores of Tripoli when that band of marines took the Libyan port city of Derna. For this victory, they were awarded a Mameluke from an Ottoman prince. Two decades later, it officially became part of a marine officer's dress uniform. Today, its use is largely ceremonial, but if used wisely, it becomes a tool with multiple purposes, like the marine who carries it. You see, marines are not just taught the virtues that make men and women soldiers--courage under fire, physical strength--but they are also taught the virtues that make them good citizens once their service has ended. This photograph captures the moment in 1942 when those three young Indiana University students swore the oath--an oath to defend their country. The lives of the men in it, on the battlefield and off of it, demonstrated what it means to be a U.S. marine. They were honorable. Three years after the picture was snapped, the man at its center wandered around Okinawa. He was searching for souvenirs to send home. He was there as part of the American assault on the island, which was a precursor to attacks on the Japanese mainland. ``The death and destruction leave bad taste in my mouth,'' he wrote, ``and strike me deeply as the horrible part of the war.'' This from Lieutenant Colonel Maurice ``Pat'' David as he wrote his family in Nashville, IN. But his cause was just, he wrote. The bodies of old women and young girls murdered by the Imperial Japanese Army proved it. He encouraged his parents not to worry about his safety, but months later, he was severely wounded, returned to the States, and later awarded a Purple Heart. Through his service in the Corps, Lieutenant Colonel David attended law school in Washington, DC. He then served as a legal officer before retiring from the Marine Corps after 22 years of service. He then returned home to Southern Indiana, settling in Columbus with his wife and daughters. Lieutenant Colonel David served his country with honor during his time in the Marine Corps, and he did the same for his community after the war concluded. He was elected a superior court judge, practiced law for nearly 20 years, and after retiring, he served as a senior judge. As a lawyer, he was dedicated to his clients. As a judge, he treated the attorneys before him thoughtfully, reasoning they were his clients as well. When he died in 2016, it was after living a life defined by what he learned in the U.S. Marine Corps: integrity, devotion to justice, service of a cause greater than oneself. These men were courageous too. In fact, the man to Lieutenant Colonel David's right in the photo was Leonard Alford of Garrett, IN. A year after he stood at the memorial plaque in Bloomington, Alford sat in a tent staring at the Pacific Ocean. ``I know you have been worried because you have not heard from me,'' he wrote to his parents from an island he was not at liberty to name. He had earned a Silver Star leading the men of the 4th Marine Raider Battalion in the Battle of New Georgia as his men fought across the Solomon Islands. Afterwards, they were redesignated the 2nd Battalion, 4th Marines, and Alford was made company captain. Members of the original 4th Marine Regiment were lost on Bataan and Corregidor. ``We hope to be able to keep their good name,'' he shared with his family. Because of Captain Alford's courage, they did. Two years later, when Captain Alford was awarded a second Silver Star, which was turned to Gold, it was awarded posthumously. In the closing weeks of the Okinawa campaign, he led a charge towards one of the island's remaining Japanese strongholds. Under heavy fire, ignoring his safety, he steadied the marines, ensured their advance, and he sacrificed his life for the success of the campaign and the freedom of his country. Oh, they were committed too. In fact, the last man in the photo was Cpl John Irwin Murray of Hartford City, IN. In the years after the photo was taken, John Murray remained on campus, drilling with Pershing Rifles. After graduation, he trained on Parris Island. Corporal Murray spent 16 months on Guadalcanal and Guam. He then deployed to China with the 6th Marine Division. After the war, he settled in California, where he married and raised a family and worked as an accountant and a teacher. Unlike the two other marines in this photo, there is very little public information about Corporal Murray's life--occasional updates in the Indiana University alumni magazine on his time in the Marine Corps, his letters home from the Pacific lamenting how few other Hoosiers he met there. But you see, he lived a meaningful civilian life, without fanfare. Commitment to duty doesn't demand glory or a long military career; it is about showing up when needed and then quietly contributing to society afterwards. Our service continues in the everyday work of building communities and supporting families. Corporal Murray represents something essential about the Marine Corps. Most of us who serve will return to become good citizens, neighbors, and workers, carrying a sense of duty into ordinary life. That is not less important than the other two paths; it is an expression of the same commitment. Whether on land, sea, or air, in war or peace, in service or after service, for 250 years, the U.S. Marine Corps has not just trained warriors but made citizens. There are no fiercer defenders of our freedom, no greater examples of the virtues that make our Republic function. So as we celebrate this great anniversary throughout the month of November, we thank and salute the men in that photo and every member of the U.S. Marine Corps--always faithful--for their service and for their sacrifices. It is impossible to imagine America without the Marines. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Madam President, I rise today to honor the distinguished service of Richard ``Rich'' Hanson, a Hoosier who has dedicated his life to aviation and public service. After an extraordinary career in aviation and law enforcement, Rich is retiring as president of the Academy of Model Aeronautics, AMA, after 9 years of distinguished leadership. Headquartered in Muncie, IN, AMA is the Nation's premier organization dedicated to model aviation, a community that inspires innovation, education, and a lifelong passion for flight. Rich's love of aviation began early in the Civil Air Patrol from 8th through 12th grades. After high school, he enlisted in the U.S. Army, trained as a helicopter pilot, and served with distinction in Vietnam. He later continued his service in the Army National Guard, rising to the rank of lieutenant colonel. In 1973, Rich joined the Arizona Department of Public Safety as a helicopter pilot, embarking on another chapter of service. He advanced through the ranks, ultimately commanding aviation operations and leading the department's Criminal Justice Support Bureau. Even during his days off, Rich continued to share his love of flying by piloting tours over the Grand Canyon. Alongside his public service career, Rich devoted decades to advancing the hobby and science of model aviation through AMA. Rich's efforts have strengthened aviation safety, expanded STEM education opportunities, and inspired countless young people to pursue careers in aviation and aerospace. Rich's leadership has guided AMA through some of the most significant transitions in its history, particularly the emergence of drone technology and the evolving regulatory landscape surrounding unmanned aircraft systems. Through his steady advocacy, he helped others appreciate the strong safety record and educational value of model aviation, a legacy that will endure for generations. On behalf of Hoosiers, I extend my thanks and congratulations to Rich Hanson on an impactful career of service and dedication to the field of aviation and his country.

Mr. YOUNG

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, the Iraq war started 22 years ago; the Gulf war, 34 years ago. Today, Iraq is a partner, not an adversary, and it is time for the law to reflect that. DOD has assured Congress that operations can continue without these expired AUMFs. Our amendment does not implicate the 2001 AUMF, which is critical to ongoing operations. Both Chambers have passed the same repeal before on a bipartisan basis. The House included it in its NDAA this year. Let's do the same here in the Senate and close the book on these forever wars. I urge my colleagues to support the amendment.

Mr. YOUNG. Madam President, I call up my amendment No. 3337 to amendment No. 3748 and ask that it be reported by number.