Mitt Romney

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I don't think I have had a better friend in the U.S. Senate than Senator Kyrsten Sinema. We are best friends. I would not have predicted that at the outset. By all appearance, we are about as different as we can be. But actually, our roots are very much in the same soil. We have grown up with the kinds of values that have shaped our lives and our public service. When she first came to the Senate floor, her appearance was quite striking and her personality was, in a similar vein, highly noticeable. And I turned to one of my Senate colleagues, and I said: What do you think about that new Senator from Arizona? And he said: I can tell you right now, she is going to be trouble. She obtained the nickname ``Trouble'' at that point and has carried it ever since, at least in my lexicon. The truth is, she has been so far from trouble, it is hard to imagine a less appropriate name. Why is that? One, I believe she has been the most productive U.S. Senator in the last 6 years of anyone in this body. Now, there may be a competition, here and there, from other people, but I don't think so. If you look at all the legislation of significance that has been passed over the last 6 years, she has been critical to it, generally leading it, at least a co-chair, in virtually all of that legislation. At the same time, she gets along with everybody. I think those are related. There are some Members of my own caucus which I believe are an acquired taste--which I haven't acquired yet--and yet she has, from the outset, been able to make friends with people who are dramatically different in politics but also different in personal style. She likes some very difficult-to-like people. As a result of those friendships, she has been able to get people to come across the aisle, from time to time, when it was critical to get things done. But if I had to say what has distinguished her most as a Member of this body--not just the fact that she has been the most productive and has been able to get people on both sides of the aisle to work through tough issues and to make the Senate work when we were stalled--what I think sets her apart most is the degree of her principle and character. She is an individual who was raised in a home with principles, went to institutions, including my alma mater, Brigham Young University. She graduated a lot faster than I did and made it through that university in a short period of time. But, at one point, my colleagues asked me: Is she going to be able to stand up to the pressure that is going to be placed on her for preserving the institution of the Senate, because there is going to be enormous political pressure rained upon her, and will she be able to resist that pressure? I volunteered at our caucus lunch to go sound out whether she would have the capacity to overcome what was a groundswell on her side of the aisle to take action which would have devastated, in my view, the institution of the Senate. I approached her and said: Kyrsten, will you be able to vote no? Will you be able to defend the principle that has made the Senate work over these decades? And she said: Mitt, you ought to know me by now. I was raised with the same values you have. I am a person of principle, and I stand by my principles. And I have watched her time and again do that very thing. I spoke with one of the leaders in my party, and I said: How is the Senate going to work without Kyrsten Sinema to bridge the divide that often exists between us? And he said: I am not sure it will be able to work without her. How in the world she is not coming back as a United States Senator is one of the great mysteries to me. She should be coming back. We need her in this body. She has been an essential Member of this body. I will just close with this: I used to love reading books by Louis L'Amour. He writes about the American West. I read them all; I probably still love them. I am getting old enough to forget his earlier books, so I could read them again and still love them. But he had an expression about people that were just really individuals you could count on, rely on, people of character and capacity and principle. He said they had ``sand.'' And if there is someone who has sand in this body, it is Kyrsten Sinema. She is going to continue to make a huge imprint on the United States of America. It has been an honor to serve with her. I feel we have been blessed by having her in this body.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I know something about failed Presidential campaigns. I made an assessment that President Biden was not going to go the distance. So I approached three Democrats and suggested they ought to run for President. I just heard from them. One was Cory Booker. One was Mark Warner. One was Jon Tester. Now, why did I approach those three men--not just once, but multiple times--and say, ``You ought to run for President''? Not because I agree with them. I disagree with them on almost every issue. It is because I happen to find these three men--and Jon Tester is the one I am looking at right now--to be men of character, integrity, of honesty, of purpose, who hold fast to the values that made America the hope of the Earth. I know that, over the years, policy comes and goes, and, sometimes, I have read history and I find my party is on one side of a policy position and changes, and now we are on the other side. I recognize the country can handle bad policy. We have. Heaven knows there have been times when your party has been in charge, and we suffered through it. You would say the same is true of mine, and that is probably the case. But what we have not suffered is a lack of character. Going from the very beginning of our country until now, we have had men of great character. And, someday, we will have women of character, as well, in that great Office. I wanted Jon Tester to be the next President of the United States because he is a man of extraordinary character. He is as honest as his hair is short and as strong as his physique is imposing. I learned something about that character when we worked together. He mentioned the infrastructure bill that I had the privilege of joining him on to help negotiate. There was a time, toward the very, very end, when I made a beginner's mistake. I am just a freshman Senator, after all. I was about to do something which would be as harmful for my political career and my welcome back home and might even be helpful to the opposition forces. And everybody was telling me: Don't worry about this. We can paper it over later. Don't worry. Don't worry. Jon Tester stood up and said: No, this is going to hurt Mitt. It is not fair. We have to fix this. I didn't know that. But he stood up for me and convinced the other Members of our group to do something that was not in their interest, not in his interest, but in my interest, because he is a man of character and a friend. I am not going to be here. Jon is not going to be here. We may see each other sometime in the hills of Montana. He is a man who--one couldn't have a better friend than Jon Tester. The people of Montana could not have had a better friend--a man who loves the land, who loves the people, who loves the values of the people of Montana. I am proud to have been able to serve with Jon Tester and wish him godspeed. God bless America and God bless Jon Tester and his dear family. I yield the floor.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. I object to that.

Mr. ROMNEY. So my life's work has been a group affair. At its center, is my wife Ann. She is my most trusted adviser, my indefatigable ally, the love of my life for 54 married years. Our five sons are just as loyal and are the source of profound pride, joy, and 25 grandchildren. During my first months in the Senate, I was mostly on my own and, thus, mostly unproductive, and then Lisa Murkowski invited five Democrats to join with five Republicans at her home for a takeout dinner. With COVID then active, we were spaced far apart, with windows open despite the winter cold. Our conjecture on how to bridge the impasse between the President and Congress on COVID relief led us over the next several weeks to dig in, negotiate, draft, and eventually see our work become the basis of law. I was fortunate to also be a part of what this team worked on that followed: the bipartisan infrastructure law, the Electoral Count Reform Act, gun safety legislation, and marriage legislation that included religious protections. Our group was Rob Portman, Kyrsten Sinema, Susan Collins, Joe Manchin, Mark Warner, Jon Tester, Bill Cassidy, Jeanne Shaheen, and Lisa Murkowski. We had each come to Washington to enact law that would help people, and that is just what we did. We accomplished together what we could have never done alone. So I will leave this Chamber with a sense of achievement, but in truth, I will also leave with the recognition that I did not achieve everything I had hoped. Among other things, the scourge of partisan politics has frustrated repeated efforts to stabilize our national debt. Without the burden of the interest on that debt, we would be able to spend three times as much as we do on military procurement--three times as many aircraft, three times as many ships, three times as many drones, spacecraft, and cyber defenses. Alternatively, we could spend double the amount we spend on Social Security benefits every month. Our national credit card is almost maxed out, and America risks becoming debt poor. My biggest surprise in the Senate has been how much I enjoy the other Senators on both sides of the aisle. The truth is that while I may not miss the Senate itself terribly much--the 10-minute votes that last an hour, the unknowable schedule of votes, the myriad meaningless votes, and the absurd passion about inconsequential votes--I will very much miss you, my fellow Senators, for among you are some brilliant, some entertaining, some kind and generous, and all patriotic. It is an honor to have been able to serve with you. It has also been an honor to represent the people of Utah, the State of my family heritage. What sets Utah apart is not just its beauty and vibrant economy, it is the admirable character of its people. Now, it is customary to end remarks with these words: God bless America. That has never seemed jarring or out of place to me because Americans have always been fundamentally good. From our earliest days, we have rushed to help neighbors in need, as de Tocqueville noted. We welcomed the poor, the huddled masses yearning to breathe free. We have respected different faiths as our first President confirmed to Muslims and Jews. ``United we stand'' is a fitting refrain. As the leader of the free world, our sons and daughters have fought time and again for liberty, and our treasure has buoyed freedom fighters around the globe. Like all people, we have made mistakes, some grievous, but often our mistakes have come from misguided understanding. God has blessed America because America is good. There are some today who would tear at our unity, who would replace love with hate, who deride our foundation of virtues, and who debase the values upon which the blessings of Heaven depend. I have been in public service for 25 years. I have learned that politics alone cannot measure up to the challenges we face. Our country's character is a reflection not just of its elected officials but also of its people. I leave Washington to return to be one among them and hope to be a voice of unity and virtue, for it is only if the American people merit His benevolence that God will continue to bless America. May He do so is my prayer. (Applause, Senators rising.)

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise today to first thank the leader for those generous comments and to mark for my colleagues the departure soon from my service here in the Senate. During my life, I have rarely been truly alone--maybe taking tests at school or running cross country or on my uncle's tractor, cultivating corn. But I am impressed with people who have achieved great things largely on their own: Washington commanding the Continental Army, Lincoln guiding the Civil War, Edison in his laboratory. Not me. I have consistently been surrounded by others--usually smarter, often more experienced, always becoming friends. In business, I chose partners with skills that exceeded mine, the proof of which has been their stunning success after I left. As Governor, my team helped craft the health plan that insured nearly every citizen in Massachusetts. My wingman, Bob White, counseled me in business, the Olympics, and politics. My counselor, Beth Myers, advised and managed multiple campaigns and administrations. Spencer Zwick financed and helped guide almost every one of my endeavors. My Senate chiefs of staff, Matt Waldrip and Liz Johnson, built and brilliantly led an exceptional team and, with our policy directors, Chris Barkley and Stephen Newton, crafted and negotiated more legislation that became law than could possibly have been expected for a freshman Senator. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the names of my excellent current and former staff members be printed in the Record.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I am not going to take long because I know we are delayed from a vote. But I had the privilege of working with this young man from West Virginia for some time. As a matter of fact, as the chairman of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, he took responsibility for overseeing the national parks, and he had never been to the State that has five of them, the State of Utah. So I invited him and his wife Gayle to come visit us in Utah and visit some of our national parks. And we walked together and hiked together, and he made sure that Gayle was able to make it through all of the rocks and crevices and see the beauty of our great land, one more State. But I have come to know this man not just by virtue of his physical prowess but as a man of character. And a number of people have spoken about the legislation that he has worked on, and we worked together on several pieces of legislation and accomplished a great deal. But that which has stood out in my experience with Joe Manchin is that he is a man who stands by his belief. He is a man of principle and character. And my life's lesson has been that one person of conscience and character can change a whole nation. And Joe has had that kind of influence on the people of his State and the people around him, the people in this body, and the people in our Nation. And so I salute, along with my colleagues, the great Senator from the State of West Virginia, Joe Manchin. Thank you, my friend. (Applause.)

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. I ask unanimous consent that the 5:45 vote occur now.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise today to offer my full support for Judge Ann Marie McIff Allen--a native of my home State--to serve as United States District Court Judge for the District of Utah. Judge Allen has had an impressive career as a prosecutor, public defender, private civil attorney, and general counsel for Southern Utah University, and she currently serves as associate presiding judge on Utah's Fifth District Court. Furthermore, she has used her skills and talents to serve the community as a trustee of SUU, a commissioner on the Judicial Performance Evaluation Commission, and a Rotarian. She earned her law degree from the J. Reuben Clark Law School at Brigham Young University and, like me, studied English at BYU for her undergraduate education. Judge Allen's record and qualifications make it clear that she is exceptionally qualified to serve on the Federal bench. She is an exemplary jurist and I have no doubt that she will serve our State and country with honor and integrity as a district court judge. I urge my colleagues to confirm Judge Allen as United States District Court Judge for the District of Utah.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Madam President, the vote we will soon take to provide military weapons for Ukraine is the most important vote we will ever take as U.S. Senators. We are not being asked to send American troops into war. We are asked to help the Ukrainians defend themselves. If we fail to help Ukraine, Putin will invade a NATO nation. He may delay his next invasion until he rebuilds his decimated military, but we must be clear-eyed. Ukraine is not the end; it is a step. If we fail to help Ukraine, China will eventually absorb Taiwan. If we fail to help Ukraine, we will abandon our word and our commitment, providing to our friends a view that America cannot be trusted. The Chinese Communist Party is already spreading propaganda, using our delay as a warning to Taiwan that the United States will not be there to help in the face of China's threat. If we fail to help Ukraine, NATO, the alliance that has prevented great power conflict for over 75 years, will falter and eventually disintegrate. If we fail to help Ukraine, America will cease to be the arsenal of democracy. It will cease to be the leader of the free world. We will be replaced by the authoritarians: China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea. If we fail to help Ukraine, we will be known not as our fathers and mothers were, the ``greatest generation,'' but as the worst generation. Now, for months, I have listened to the arguments for denying help to the Ukrainian people. I have observed that the reasons have evolved over time. First, it was claimed that Europe was not paying their fair share. That was proven incorrect. Our allies have already contributed more than $96 billion in aid, and the EU earlier this month agreed to provide $54 billion more over the next 4 years. Next, it was argued that we should, instead, focus on the Pacific and Taiwan, but Taiwan and Japan and South Korea tell us that the single best thing we can do to dissuade China's aggression is to support Ukraine. Next, we were told that we couldn't afford $60 billion for Ukraine- related funding. But, somehow, we can afford an $850 billion annual defense budget, an annual trillion-dollar deficits--which has happened under both former President Trump and President Biden. Next, it was claimed that we would have insufficient weapons to defend America and Israel if we send more weapons to Ukraine. But the Department of Defense has explained that helping Ukraine will actually strengthen our national security by helping to rebuild our depleted military-industrial base. The latest excuse for denying aid to Ukraine is that this bill is a clever disguise to set up an impeachment of Donald Trump at some point in the future. Under this so-called logic, Trump has to be elected, Democrats have to win the House, and those Democrats have to be unable to find any other discretion of Donald Trump's upon which to base an impeachment. Now, I know that the shock jocks and online instigators have effectively riled up many in the far reaches of my party. But if your position is being cheered by Vladimir Putin, it is time to reconsider your position. Now, I can't see into the future. But there are no guarantees that Ukraine will defeat Russia, but that does not mean that we should stand back and let Putin have his way with Europe. What sending weapons to Ukraine does do is help discourage further Russian and Chinese invasions, which could draw us in. It helps preserve NATO. It allows America to remain the leader of the free world, and it shows that we honor our word to our friends and allies. Lech Walesa, the first democratically elected President of Poland since 1926 and someone I have been fortunate enough to meet with, recently wrote to all the U.S. Senators. He said this: You are obliged to assure a peaceful future for your children. Our grandchildren will never forgive us if we fail to stop Russia now. If the U.S. does not lead, nobody will. I couldn't agree more. Helping a free people defend their freedom is simply the right thing to do.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to the exemplary service and leadership of Dr. Deneece G. Huftalin, who will soon conclude a decade of service as the eighth president of Salt Lake Community College, SLCC. Deneece grew up in Millcreek, UT, and studied at the University of Utah, where she fell in love with university life and decided to dedicate her professional career to advancing higher education. After working at several education institutions throughout the country, Deneece returned to Utah and joined Salt Lake Community College in 1992. She has been a fixture at SLCC ever since, holding various roles at the college before being inaugurated as its president in 2014. Throughout her more than three decades at SLCC, she displayed an unwavering devotion to community and State service commitments while balancing the demands of a young family. During her tenure, the college has experienced significant growth. SLCC now boasts the largest and most diverse student body of any 2-year college in the State, with 10 campuses throughout Utah. Students come from an array of backgrounds to pursue studies in more than 200 degree and certificate programs. At SLCC, students succeed in pursuing their passions, in large part because of how President Huftalin has created innovative educational opportunities. A champion of the learner, regardless of background, President Huftalin has consistently created education pathways instead of barriers. Some of her crowning achievements include expanding initiatives that bolster college readiness for high schoolers, providing funding for students when Federal aid falls short and making online education resources mainstream and accessible. The Open Educational Resources initiative alone has saved students more than $21 million. Another program which President Huftalin was instrumental in creating, SLCC's Prison Education Program, made a difference in the lives of many. One of the program's graduates spoke about its impact, saying: ``For many of us, education served as a lifeline, a way to rise above our circumstances and make a difference . . . it became important to me to take charge of my life to secure my future and try to enlighten those around me.'' Buoyed by the dedication of remarkable students and the tireless work of the entire SLCC faculty and staff, President Huftalin has created a ripple effect that will long outlast her tenure. Her family--husband Tim and sons Max and Eli--have supported her throughout her journey and helped make it all possible. I have no doubt that Deneece will continue to serve those around her in meaningful ways. The State of Utah thanks her for tireless service to the noble endeavor of education. Thank you.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise out of great concern for our military, for its readiness in a time of great peril but also out of concern for the men and women who are being held up and whose careers and prospects and families and plans are being interrupted by virtue of the decision by, in this case, two people--one is Secretary Austin and the other is Senator Tuberville--to take intractable positions. And it is simply a, in my opinion, an abuse of the powers we have as Senators to say if there is something we vehemently disagree with, that we are going to use that power to hold up the promotion of over 350 men and women in our military. We each have things we might disagree with, with the military, and some would come with deep personal convictions about their morality. But if each Senator felt empowered to hold up all promotions in our military unless we got our way on one of those issues, why, our military would grind to a halt. This power is extraordinary that we are given as individual Senators, but it is incumbent upon us to use it in a reasonable way and not to abuse it in such a way that we end up putting in harm's way the capabilities of our military and the well-being of our men and women in uniform. Senator Tuberville correctly pointed out--I believe he is absolutely right--that what Secretary Austin did was in contravention of the Hyde amendment, against the law. We have a process for pursuing things that are done by an administration that are against the law. It is the court process. I am happy to join with an amicus brief or even file a legal action to reverse the Pentagon's policy. That is the process we should follow in a circumstance like this, not one that is being exacted upon 350 men and women whom we need to have in service and whose lives are being so badly disrupted. I would also offer this: Senator Tuberville, if the Department of Defense, Secretary Austin were to say: OK. We will no longer pay for the travel of these individuals and their dependents but instead allow a private charity to do so, would that be acceptable to you and allow this to go away? I am looking for--yes. So for instance, if Secretary Austin agrees, all right, we will eliminate this policy, but we will allow a private charity to provide for the travel for someone who wants to receive an abortion in a State where that procedure is legal, would that satisfy you and allow this impasse to be resolved?

Mr. ROMNEY. Would that be an acceptable alternative?

Mr. ROMNEY. Yes. Well, I have ways of doing that, which is I will pick up the phone and have that conversation. But we have to make sure that we do not continue to hold up 350-plus people from being able to get promoted. That is essential to our military.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I thank Senator Manchin. We have collaborated on quite a number of things together. It has been a great experience and a joy for me. I thank Leader Schumer for beginning this process and making sure that we reach a favorable and bipartisan conclusion. This is not the biggest thing going on in Washington today. It is not even one of the biggest things going on in Washington today. Nonetheless, it is a good thing. It is another example of Republicans and Democrats being able to work together and solve, in this case, what may not be a really big problem but what is an important thing that makes a difference to a lot of people. I have been thinking about the extraordinary Founders of our country and the leaders in the early days who decided to build this building. I mean, George Washington approved this building. In the years that followed, huge sacrifices were made. They could have built a building that looked like a Walmart, with La-Z-Boy chairs. Instead, they built this extraordinary edifice with columns and marble. Why did they do that? Why make that huge investment? For one, I think it was to show the respect and admiration that we have for the institution of the Government of the United States of America. This was at a time when we were an agricultural society. Yet they made this enormous sacrifice and built this amazing edifice. I think it is in keeping with that spirit that we say we want those who serve inside this room, in this Hall, to show a level of dignity and respect which is consistent with the sacrifice they made and with the beauty of the surroundings. So I appreciate the effort that Senator Manchin has led and that Senator Schumer has put on the floor this evening such that we might be able to proceed and codify what has been a longstanding practice of showing our admiration and respect for the institution in which we serve, the very building in which we are able to serve it, and our respect for the people whom we represent.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. I thank the Senator from Oregon. I agree with him that this amendment is critical. Congress needs to push the Federal Government on this policy. Our government must acknowledge the reality that China is no longer a developing country. I commit to working with the chairman of the Finance Committee, in good faith, in conference.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I yield back all time.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, yes, the vote is at 1:45.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Madam President, I have had both the good fortune and the misfortune of working closely with Senator Rob Portman. I had the misfortune of debating him in 2012. He was kind enough to play the part of President Obama in my debate practice sessions. He was relentless, determined, unforgiving, and anxious to delve into the most minute facts and figures in order to defeat me and to knock any complacency I might have had out of my heart. He more than made up for my debate whooping by tirelessly and repeatedly accompanying me across Ohio and other States, drumming up support for my campaign, raising money, and jousting with the wing nuts that tried to derail my campaign. When I came to the Senate, I found that many of those same qualities--his relentlessness, determination, tirelessness, and ability to dig into the details--have made him a singularly successful United States Senator. I worked alongside him on several bills. On each occasion, they became law because he dug into them, negotiated the most thorny of issues, drove the process to a result, and never, ever gave up. We formed eight working groups on the bipartisan infrastructure bill because there were too many conflicts, too many subjects, too many obstacles for our entire group of 10 to resolve without dividing it into parts we could deal with one by one. He then decided that he would be a member of every single one of those subgroups, knowing that he would be needed to actually drive each of us to a conclusion and a result. You see, there are some people in politics who believe that a fiery speech or a bold appearance on a cable show and a reputation for fighting the opposition, that that is the measure of success. Not so Rob Portman. He came here to pass bills and actually shape policy that would help the American people and strengthen our country. He came to fight and win, not just to fight. And he has won for America time and time again. More important to me personally than all his winning is his friendship, his honor, and his character. He is a genuinely good man, and he is blessed to have married an even better woman. I will miss Rob Portman in the Senate. As I think many of my colleagues know, he has been a bit of a stabilizer for me here. I will miss him and Jane in the neighborhood of our lives. God bless you, Rob Portman.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise today to honor Jewish Family Service on their remarkable sesquicentennial celebration, an organization whose spirited generosity and longstanding charity continues to benefit the health and well-being of our Utah communities. Over two decades before Utah statehood, a group of Jewish women founded the Hebrew Women's Benevolent Society in 1872. During this time, many families journeyed West to escape persecution and build new lives, often with little to no resources. With open arms, the Hebrew Women's Benevolent Society welcomed new arrivals at their most vulnerable and ensured that their critical needs were met. The organization abides by the same selfless mission today as Jewish Family Service, still grounded in the traditional values of tikkun olam, kavod, and tzedek--repair the world, honor, and justice. These values translate into action while the group runs food pantries, provides senior care, and offers mental health counseling to anyone in need, regardless of religious affiliation or financial means. Today, we recognize and thank Jewish Family Service for their outstanding and indelible impact on Utahns as they continue to inspire us to turn outward and serve our brothers and sisters.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, today, I rise to honor the enduring legacy of an outstanding Utahn. As the autumn sun sunk below the mountains surrounding Southern Utah University's sprawling athletic fields, the men's teams had finished their practice for the day. Only under the night sky could one group of young, ambitious, and dedicated women finally take to the empty field, dressed in worn, plain PE uniforms with hand-stitched numbers. In the collegiate sporting era of the 1970s, these female athletes had no access to new equipment or team budgets, let alone scholarships or institutional support. But they did have a leader. Kathryn Berg, of Heber City, UT, proudly led this group of woman athletes as their coach, mentor, friend, and lifelong advocate for gender equality across all sports at the university and the State of Utah. Today, a return visit to SUU must rekindle mixed emotions for Kathryn, both for the enormous strides made for gender equality by virtue for her accomplishments as its associate athletic director and the work still required in pursuit of that goal. The field bears her name. Despite her decorated career, measured in both awards and the boundless admiration of others, Kathryn Berg would be embarrassed to have the spotlight shone on her life and achievements. That is because she spent her over 33-year career elevating others into such a position. The athletes, families, and individuals who know Kathryn describe her as a humble servant to others, who worked overtime to provide opportunities for girls and women to participate in sports. To accomplish this, she educated herself in sports she knew little about by becoming an expert in the rules and regulations of each sport, took classes, and earned certifications at her own expense. She even became a certified gymnastics judge so she could be a better gymnastics coach. This enabled her athletes to reach their peak athletic and academic performances. An athlete herself, Kathryn played basketball and tennis at Wasatch High School before earning a B.A. and M.A. from Brigham Young University, followed by a doctorate from the University of Utah. She taught and coached at Richfield High School, Lincoln Junior High, and Orem Junior High, respectively, before arriving for a new challenge at Southern Utah University. At SUU, she served as administrator for all women's sports, including softball, basketball, gymnastics, track and field, volleyball, cheerleading, and synchronized swimming. In Cedar City, she continued to face down the perennial obstacles halting progress for female athletic programs. With no available budget, Kathryn and her athletes had to fundraise for their right to take to the fields and courts. Kathryn stitched together uniforms, spent her own money, and drove the team bus herself. With few female coaching mentors around, she instead learned as she went despite hearing ``no'' to most every request. As a direct result of her relentless advocacy for gender equality in collegiate athletics, countless student-athletes had a chance to compete, to succeed, and to dream. A giver, a selfless servant, and always present for her friends and family. These attributes accurately describe who Kathryn is as a person and what she means to those who love her, reinforced by abundant examples of humility over the decades. One such example transcends careers or athletics and speaks to the true nature of Kathryn's heart. In 2001, she retired from her successful administrative career in order to care for her younger sister, Charlotte, who suffered from cerebral palsy. She needed full-time care after their parents died, and Kathryn made sure that she was able to live life to the fullest until her passing in 2014. Kathryn Berg is a founding pioneer of gender equality in collegiate athletics in Utah. Her indelible legacy includes helping oversee SUU's ascension into NCAA Division I, helping establish the Utah Summer Games, and leading the creation of the Thunderbirds' enduring women's intercollegiate athletic program. She is aptly recognized in several athletic halls of fame and received an honorary doctorate degree from SUU. Kathryn is still active in the community, especially as the chair of the Daughters of Utah Pioneer Museum. She provides a scholarship to a senior at Wasatch High School each year and is the No. 1 fan of her family's extracurricular events. Thank you, Kathryn, for your lifetime of achievement and inspiration for student-athletes everywhere. Your unwavering work will continue to benefit untold generations of female athletes and their families.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise to oppose the Paul amendment to the resolution of advice and consent to ratification for the extension of the Republic of Finland and the Kingdom of Sweden to NATO. Like virtually all of my colleagues, I support the admission of Sweden and Finland into NATO. Their commitment to democracy, their military capabilities, and their resolve in the face of Russian aggression is welcome. With Russia's unprovoked attack on Ukraine, NATO has been united in providing support for the Ukrainians to defend themselves. NATO is also united in its adherence to the revisions of the NATO treaty. The world is watching to see if there are any cracks in that commitment, particularly with respect to its provisions for mutual defense. We must not in any way appear to be going wobbly on article 5. I fear that the Paul amendment would do just that. Further, Senator Paul's amendment is unnecessary. The NATO treaty specifically states this: This Treaty shall be ratified and its provisions carried out by the Parties in accordance with their respective constitutional processes. That is in the NATO treaty itself. So adding the language of the Paul amendment would only add confusion and potentially communicate to the world that this body seeks something in addition to the adherence to the constitutional process that the treaty already requires. Now, it is well and good for Congress to consider war powers and our role in military conflicts. But doing so as part of the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO while Ukraine is under attack and while Russia may potentially be eyeing violence against NATO nations is surely not the time. Our commitment to NATO and article 5 must be clear and unambiguous. Throughout our Nation's history, the United States has not once ratified NATO protocols with a reservation. I am going to say that again to make sure I got it right. Throughout our Nation's history, the United States has not once ratified NATO protocols with a reservation. Now should be no different. Doing so could send the wrong message to the people of Ukraine, to our other friends and allies. It could even be propagandized as a nod to Putin. I urge my colleagues to vote down Senator Paul's amendment. Our message must be clear: We stand with NATO, with article 5, and with the admission of Finland and Sweden into our alliance. I yield the floor.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise today to honor and celebrate the life and legacy of an extraordinary man, a giant among Senators, and a dear friend: Senator Orrin Hatch. He was a man of vision and unparalleled legislative accomplishment. As the longest serving Senator in Utah's history, his unwavering dedication to our State and country during four decades of public service will be remembered for generations to come. Few individuals have left such an indelible mark on the U.S. Senate. He did this through his legislation. He did it through the relationships he had with other Senators. He did it through bipartisanship. He did it through his relationship with Presidents of both parties. Like his good friend Ted Kennedy, he was the lion of the Senate. Now, I know that there have been a number of Senators who take responsibility for accomplishing many things, but I don't think there has ever been a legislator who has gotten more done legislatively than Orrin Hatch. Our judiciary, the fundamentals of our economy, even our national character are more elevated and more secure thanks to his leadership, thanks to his undaunted capacity to plow ahead. Sponsoring and cosponsoring more legislation than any other Member at the time of his retirement, he used his time in this Chamber to work tirelessly to help people who sometimes were overlooked. He reached across the aisle to forge strong bipartisan relationships that allowed him to pass landmark legislation. Orrin Hatch and Ted Kennedy were once signing a bill together, celebrating the same bill, and President Reagan turned to Orrin Hatch and said, ``How is it that you and Ted Kennedy are celebrating the same piece of legislation?'' Orrin turned back and looked at him and said, ``Well, it's very simple, Mr. President. It's very clear that one thing is obvious: One of us didn't read it.'' His sense of humor was well known in this Chamber and throughout our State. His friends often remarked that Orrin could have been a standup comic if he wanted to, but he had too many important things to do to take that job seriously. He put friendship above politics. He called me in 1994. I was then running for a Senate seat against Ted Kennedy. It was kind of a tall task for a guy from Massachusetts to go up against Ted Kennedy, but I figured someone needed to do it and wanted to see if I couldn't get Ted Kennedy on the right track. But, at that time, Orrin Hatch and I hardly knew each other. We were just distant acquaintances. But he was a close friend of Ted Kennedy's, and he called me and said, ``Mitt, you know I am a Republican too. I am responsible for helping get a lot of Republicans elected, but I am not going to come campaign for you,'' and he said, ``because Ted Kennedy is just that good of a friend.'' Orrin put friendship above politics. Now, in addition to his legislative accomplishments, Orrin Hatch played a pivotal role in several landmark confirmations while serving as one of the longest chairs of the Senate Judiciary Committee. His positive impact on the State of Utah and the Nation's Federal judiciary cannot be overstated. When I was asked to run the 2002 Olympic Winter Games in Salt Lake City, I met with Orrin Hatch and said, ``I am going to need your help.'' He made it very clear that the success of the Olympics, coming, as they were going to do, to our State, would be a high priority for him and that he would do whatever was necessary to support our effort. Then came the crisis of 9/11 in 2001. I knew that I couldn't invite the people of the world to come to Salt Lake City unless I was 100 percent confident that everything that could be done would be done to keep them safe. Without the help of the Federal Government, there could be no secure provision for the Games and no certainty that we could be protected. The morning after the attacks of 9/11, I happened to be in Washington, and I called Senator Hatch on the phone. He at the time was in his Senate office. I asked if we could get together at some point to talk about how we could move forward and provide the security funding that might be necessary to protect our Games. Without hesitation, he said, ``Come over to the office right now.'' I did so. When we got there, we sat down, and he said, ``What do you think you need?'' And I described the need for fencing and personnel to evaluate the security threats that might exist, a military air capacity to secure the skies over Salt Lake City during the Games. He said: Well, what is the biggest challenge you will face? I said: Well, Senator John McCain of Arizona has not been a fan of providing support for Olympic Games. He thinks that money has been misused in the past. He said: Well, it wouldn't be misused now, given what has happened with 9/11. Let's go see John McCain right now. He picked up the phone and called Senator McCain. Senator McCain said he would be happy to see me and his friend Orrin Hatch. We went over to Senator McCain's office and sat down. Orrin Hatch proceeded to describe how important it was that we host the games and that Senator Hatch get the support that he needed. And, in fact, Senator McCain made it very clear he would not stand in the way of doing anything we needed to secure the games in Salt Lake City. I owe Orrin Hatch a great deal of credit for helping us to be able to host games in Salt Lake City successfully and to do so without security incident. I think everyone knows that Orrin Hatch was a man of tremendous faith. He was an advocate to protect religious freedom, and legislation that he authored in this regard still stands in protecting the rights of people of faith in our country today. He dedicated his life to a commitment to Jesus Christ and to the principles of Christianity. He did so in my own faith by accepting callings in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, serving as both a missionary as a young man and later as a bishop of a congregation. Orrin Hatch enjoyed life and appreciated all that it had to offer. You may know that he was a composer and has a number of songs and musical performances to his credit. He wrote poetry. He wrote jokes. When I was running for President, he sent me a whole page of jokes he wanted me to use. I must admit, I looked at them one by one. I didn't think they were that funny, but I read them to the people on the bus and they listened to them one by one and the more they listened, the funnier they got. By the time I was finished with the page, they were howling with laughter. The man had an extraordinary capacity with music, with humor, with legislation, with friendships--really one of a kind. He also was pretty good at self-deprecating jokes. He told me to lighten up a little bit and be a little more free with my language, so I decided to let ``heck'' and ``dang'' drop into my words from time to time. His affinity for buffets and bacon were not to be forgotten as well. In his words, we should choose ``to live every day like [it was] Bacon Lovers Day.'' And I hope we will savor life as he did. Orrin Hatch believed that the people you love and the friends you have are the real currency in life. I believe that deeply. He had a lot of friends, not just in this room but friends throughout these buildings, friends throughout our State. I remember walking through the Capitol with Orrin Hatch and from time to time someone would come up to him and want to ask him a question or ask for help on some issue of theirs. And instead of doing what most of us do--which is putting our head down and rushing on and pointing out that we have important things to get to--he would stop and bend his very tall physique down to listen to what the person had to say and listen attentively and say he would do what he could to help. I have seen that time and time again with Orrin Hatch. He always had time for the people he served, and he believed he served all the people of the United States of America. Not surprisingly, he had and still has a lot of friends. Of course, when you think of people he loves, first on that list would be his wife Elaine and their family. They together raised 6 children and 23 grandchildren, 26 great-grandchildren. He and Elaine were married for more than six decades. She has been by him every step of his career and his political involvement in our country. Ann and I send our deepest condolences to Elaine and the entire Hatch family. God be with you until we meet again, Orrin. I hope you feel I haven't let you down taking your place in this great Chamber.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. When I was suddenly catapulted into the leadership of the bus protest in Montgomery, Alabama, a few years ago, I felt we would be supported by the white church. I felt that the white ministers, priests and rabbis of the South would be among our strongest allies. Instead, some have been outright opponents, refusing to understand the freedom movement and misrepresenting its leaders; all too many others have been more cautious than courageous and have remained silent behind the anesthetizing security of stained glass windows. In spite of my shattered dreams, I came to Birmingham with the hope that the white religious leadership of this community would see the justice of our cause and, with deep moral concern, would serve as the channel through which our just grievances could reach the power structure. I had hoped that each of you would understand. But again I have been disappointed. I have heard numerous southern religious leaders admonish their worshipers to comply with a desegregation decision because it is the law, but I have longed to hear white ministers declare: ``Follow this decree because integration is morally right and because the Negro is your brother.'' In the midst of blatant injustices inflicted upon the Negro, I have watched white churchmen stand on the sideline and mouth pious irrelevancies and sanctimonious trivialities. In the midst of a mighty struggle to rid our nation of racial and economic injustice, I have heard many ministers say: ``Those are social issues, with which the gospel has no real concern.'' And I have watched many churches commit themselves to a completely other worldly religion which makes a strange, un-Biblical distinction between body and soul, between the sacred and the secular. I have traveled the length and breadth of Alabama, Mississippi and all the other southern states. On sweltering summer days and crisp autumn mornings I have looked at the South's beautiful churches with their lofty spires pointing heavenward. I have beheld the impressive outlines of her massive religious education buildings. Over and over I have found myself asking: ``What kind of people worship here? Who is their God? Where were their voices when the lips of Governor Barnett dripped with words of interposition and nullification? Where were they when Governor Wallace gave a clarion call for defiance and hatred? Where were their voices of support when bruised and weary Negro men and women decided to rise from the dark dungeons of complacency to the bright hills of creative protest?'' Yes, these questions are still in my mind. In deep disappointment I have wept over the laxity of the church. But be assured that my tears have been tears of love. There can be no deep disappointment where there is not deep love. Yes, I love the church. How could I do otherwise? I am in the rather unique position of being the son, the grandson and the great grandson of preachers. Yes, I see the church as the body of Christ. But, oh! How we have blemished and scarred that body through social neglect and through fear of being nonconformists. There was a time when the church was very powerful--in the time when the early Christians rejoiced at being deemed worthy to suffer for what they believed. In those days the church was not merely a thermometer that recorded the ideas and principles of popular opinion; it was a thermostat that transformed the mores of society. Whenever the early Christians entered a town, the people in power became disturbed and immediately sought to convict the Christians for being ``disturbers of the peace'' and ``outside agitators.'' But the Christians pressed on, in the conviction that they were ``a colony of heaven,'' called to obey God rather than man. Small in number, they were big in commitment. They were too God-intoxicated to be ``astronomically intimidated.'' By their effort and example they brought an end to such ancient evils as infanticide and gladiatorial contests. Things are different now. So often the contemporary church is a weak, ineffectual voice with an uncertain sound. So often it is an archdefender of the status quo. Far from being disturbed by the presence of the church, the power structure of the average community is consoled by the church's silent--and often even vocal--sanction of things as they are. But the judgment of God is upon the church as never before. If today's church does not recapture the sacrificial spirit of the early church, it will lose its authenticity, forfeit the loyalty of millions, and be dismissed as an irrelevant social club with no meaning for the twentieth century. Every day I meet young people whose disappointment with the church has turned into outright disgust. Perhaps I have once again been too optimistic. Is organized religion too inextricably bound to the status quo to save our nation and the world? Perhaps I must turn my faith to the inner spiritual church, the church within the church, as the true ekklesia and the hope of the world. But again I am thankful to God that some noble souls from the ranks of organized religion have broken loose from the paralyzing chains of conformity and joined us as active partners in the struggle for freedom. They have left their secure congregations and walked the streets of Albany, Georgia, with us. They have gone down the highways of the South on tortuous rides for freedom. Yes, they have gone to jail with us. Some have been dismissed from their churches, have lost the support of their bishops and fellow ministers. But they have acted in the faith that right defeated is stronger than evil triumphant. Their witness has been the spiritual salt that has preserved the true meaning of the gospel in these troubled times. They have carved a tunnel of hope through the dark mountain of disappointment. I hope the church as a whole will meet the challenge of this decisive hour. But even if the church does not come to the aid of justice, I have no despair about the future. I have no fear about the outcome of our struggle in Birmingham, even if our motives are at present misunderstood. We will reach the goal of freedom in Birmingham and all over the nation, because the goal of America is freedom.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Madam President, I rise today to recognize a remarkable Utahn who recently announced his retirement after a long and fruitful career for our great State. David Ure will conclude his civil service following his tenure as director of the Utah School and Institutional Trust Lands Administration, SITLA. David's career in public service began with his election to the Utah House of Representatives in 1993. A dairyman and rancher by trade, he successfully balanced his legislative responsibilities with his livelihood, an accomplishment underscored by his Summit County's 1996 Rancher of the Year award. As a legislator, David was instrumental in guiding many pieces of legislation to the Governor's desk, and after spending more than a decade in the statehouse, he continued his public service on the Summit County Council before joining the SITLA board of trustees. In 2016, Governor Herbert appointed David to serve as SITLA's director. The independent State agency, created to generate funds for Utah's schoolchildren and other trust beneficiaries, flourished under David's stewardship. In this role, he led the agency's operations and administrative functions, including a myriad of energy initiatives and real estate development projects. During David's tenure as director, SITLA's trust grew by 40 percent and added over a billion dollars to the significant benefit of Utah's public education system, State institutions, and communities in need. David has also served on a number of important State boards, including the Weber Basin Conservation District, Intermountain Healthcare board of trustees for the Heber Valley Hospital, the Park City Chamber of Commerce, and the National Association of State Trust Lands. Thank you, Dave, for your outstanding career of public service to Utah. Your accomplishments will continue to yield positive outcomes for individuals, families, and communities across the State, and they will brighten the lives and livelihoods of generations untold.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise today to congratulate the entire Jacobsen Construction team on celebrating their centennial of successful operations, an incredible milestone and culmination of their sustained hard work and ingenuity. As an employee-owned enterprise, each and every member of the Jacobsen community should feel a sense of pride in Jacobsen's legacy of building up communities here in Utah and around the world. Teamwork is the key ingredient of the company's success. Utah is one of the fastest growing States in the Nation, and Jacobsen has been consistently reliable in helping our State accommodate its growth and remain prepared for major projects and improvements. Jacobsen's presence is felt throughout the State. Its logo displays prominently on a myriad of projects, evidence of the deep and far- reaching impact the company has on Utah's economic strength. From humble beginnings at the dawn of the 20th century, Jacobsen now holds its head high over our skylines and in our communities, providing us places of work, worship, health, and recreation. As the Jacobsen team reflects on its past century of prosperity, may they continue to build on their success for the next 100 years and many more.